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REESE    LIBRARY 


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UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

Received..  *tSfeeL£„^  i8f/ 

Accessions  No.^^Ay??    Shelf  No. 


FAMOUS  WOMEN   OF  THE   FRENCH   COURT. 

From  the  French  of  Imbert  de  Saint-Amand. 

Each  with  Portrait,  12mo,  $1.25. 
Three  Volumes  on  Marie  Antoinette. 

MARIE  ANTOINETTE  AND  THE   END   OF  THE  OLD   REGIME. 

MARIE  ANTOINETTE  AT  THE  TUILERIES    (In  press). 

MARIE  ANTOINETTE  AND  THE   DOWNFALL  OF   ROYALTY   (In  press). 

Three  Volumes  on  the  Empress  Josephine. 

CITIZENESS   BONAPARTE. 

THE  WIFE  OF  THE   FIRST  CONSUL. 

THE  COURT  OF  THE   EMPRESS  JOSEPHINE. 

Four  Volumes  on  the  Empress  Marie  Louise. 

THE   HAPPY   DAYS   OF  MARIE   LOUISE. 
MARIE   LOUISE  AND  THE   DECADENCE  OF  THE   EMPIRE. 
MARIE  LOUISE  AND   THE    INVASION   OF   I8I4. 

MARIE   LOUISE,  THE  RETURN    FROM    ELBA  AND  THE  HUNDRED   DAYS 

(In  press). 


MARIE    LOUISE 


AND 


THE    INVASION    OF    1814 


BY 


IMBERT    DE    SAINT-AMAND 


TRANSLATED  BY 
THOMAS   SERGEANT  PERRY 


WITH  PORTRAIT 


NEW  YORK 

CHARLES    SCRIBNER'S    SONS 

1891 


COPYRIGHT,   189I, 
BY  CHARLES  SCRIBNER'S  SONS. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.    The  Opening  of  the  Campaign 1 

II.    The  First  Fortnight  of  February 11 

III.  The  Second  Fortnight  of  February 23 

IV.  The  First  Fortnight  of  March 44 

V.    The  Chatillon  Congress 57 

VI.    Arcis-sur-Aube 82 

VII.    The  March  to  the  East 90 

VIII.    Paris  at  the  End  of  March 102 

IX.    The  Regent's  Flight 119 

X.    The  Battle  of  Paris 126 

XI.    Napoleon  at  the  Fountains  of  Juvisy 139 

XII.    The  Regency  in  Flight 147 

XIII.  Napoleon  at  Fontainebleau 155 

XIV.  The  First  Abdication 170 

XV.     The  Defection  of  Essonnes 180 

XVI.    The  Second  Abdication 204 

XVII.    The  Empress's  Anguish 217 

XVIII.     Marie  Louise  at  Orleans 238 

iii 


iy  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

XIX.     The  Attempt  at  Suicide 248 

XX.     The  Last  Week  at  Fontainebleau 258 

XXI.    The  Leave-taking  at  Fontainebleau 266 

XXII.     The  Journey  to  Elba 272 

XXIII.    The  Last  Days  of  Marie  Louise  in  France 284 


MARIE    LOUISE 

AND 

THE    INVASION    OF    1814 


MARIE    LOUISE 


THE   INVASION   OF  1814. 
I. 

THE  OPENING  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN. 

THE  description  of  Paris  and  of  the  army  during 
the  invasion  is  gloomy  and  painful  reading. 
The  Parisians,  with  few  exceptions,  manifested  no 
heroism.  In  spite  of  the  urgent  danger,  all  the 
theatres  remained  open.  The  capital,  with  its  usual 
frivolity,  showed  none  of  the  deep  feeling  which 
promises  obstinate  resistance.  The  prevailing  im- 
pression was  one  of  weariness  with  war.  Treason 
was  everywhere  latent,  obviously  awaiting  only  a 
good  opportunity  for  breaking  out.  The  National 
Guard  refused  to  march  outside  of  the  city.  The 
officials  took  more  thought  of  themselves  than  of 
their  country.  Whether  Napoleon  or  the  foreigners 
should  be  applauded  depended  only  on  the  chances 
of  war.  Paris,  alternating  between  groundless  hopes 
and  the  blackest  despair,  never  faced  the  situation 
fairly.  All  those  that  had  been  expelled  by  the 
police  returned  in  the  general  confusion,  asserting 

1 


THE  INVASION   OF  18 U. 


that  they  would  have  been  deemed  criminal  if  they 
had  remained  in  the  departments  occupied  by  the 
enemy.  People  came  from  a  distance  of  more  than 
thirty  leagues  to  find  safety  for  their  family  and  their 
belongings  in  the  capital.  The  farmers  of  the  neigh- 
borhood drove  in  their  herds  and  flocks  to  the  suburbs. 
The  population  suddenly  increased  enormously,  and 
space  was  lacking  for  the  new  arrivals.  The  most 
disturbing  rumors  were  everywhere  current,  spread- 
ing gloom  and  discouragement.  In  drawing-rooms, 
in  shops,  in  the  streets,  there  was  endless  discussion 
of  the  impending  catastrophe.  As  was  said  by  the 
Duke  of  Rovigo,  at  that  time  Minister  of  Police, 
coercion  would  have  hastened  a  revolution,  and  the 
slightest  consolation  that  could  be  given  to  the  suffer- 
ing multitude  was  to  leave  it  free  to  indulge  in  lam- 
entations ;  there  was  no  lack  of  grounds  for  numerous 
arrests,  but,  in  justice,  the  prisons  would  have  had  to 
be  doubled,  to  hold  all  those  more  or  less  deserving 
of  incarceration. 

The  army,  inspired  by  a  patriotism  more  fervent 
than  that  of  the  Parisians,  did  its  duty  and  more  than 
its  duty.  It  fought  and  suffered  with  a  heroism  worthy 
of  a  better  fate.  It  is  hard  to  say  which  were  the 
more  admirable,  the  beardless  youths  or  the  gray- 
haired  veterans.  Men  like  them  would  have  saved 
France,  if  France  could  have  been  saved ;  but,  in  spite 
of  their  tireless  energy,  their  indomitable  courage, 
they  felt  that  they  were  doomed  by  fate.  Napoleon, 
with  all  his  genius,  knew  no  more  of  those  lucky, 


THE  OPENING  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN.  3 

almost  miraculous  chances  which  had  so  often  saved 
him  from  apparently  certain  ruin  at  the  beginning  of 
his  career.  The  setting  of  the  sun  bore  no  likeness 
to  its  rising,  and  soon  there  was  to  fall  the  night  in 
which  the  Imperial  star  was  extinct. 

Nevertheless,  the  opening  of  the  campaign  showed 
no  lack  of  brilliancy.  Napoleon,  who  had  left  Paris, 
in  the  morning  of  January  25, 1814,  reached  Chalons- 
sur-Marne  the  same  day.  His  generals  said  he  must 
have  brought  troops  with  him.  "  No,"  he  answered 
coolly ;  and  then  when  they  were  in  consternation  at 
this  confession  he  filled  them  with  new  hope  by  his 
bold  plans.  "No  one  is  ever  beaten  unless  by  his 
own  consent.  Doubtless  we  shall  have  dark  days, 
when  we  shall  have  but  one  man  against  three,  or 
even  four ;  but  we  used  to  do  that  when  we  were 
young,  and  we  ought  to  know  how  to  do  it  now  that 
we  are  old.  .  .  .  We  have  won  every  form  of  glory ; 
we  must  win  the  last  which  is  the  crown  of  all ;  that 
is,  to  face  bad  luck  and  triumph  over  it." 

The  next  day,  Wednesday,  January  26,  at  noon, 
Empress  Marie  Louise,  surrounded  by  the  princes  of 
the  Imperial  family,  the  high  dignitaries,  the  Minis- 
ters, the  high  officers,  the  Grand  Eagles  of  the 
Legion  of  Honor,  the  ladies  and  officers  in  waiting, 
received,  in  the  Throne  Room  at  the  Tuileries,  a 
deputation  of  the  National  Guard  of  Paris.  Marshal 
Moncey,  Duke  of  Conegliano,  presented  her  with  an 
address :  "  Madame,"  he  said,  "  His  Majesty  the  Em- 
peror and  King  has  deigned  to  permit  his  faithful 


THE  INVASION   OF  1814. 


subjects,  the  officers  of  the  National  Guard  of  Paris, 
to  lay  before  the  throne  the  expression  of  their  love 
and  fidelity.  These  they  have  endeavored  to  express 
in  this  way :  Sire,  on  his  departure  to  assume  com- 
mand of  the  armies,  Your  Majesty  confides  his  be- 
loved wife,  his  son,  the  nation's  hope,  and  entrusts 
the  security,  the  tranquillity  of  the  capital,  to  our 
love,  our  fidelity,  our  courage.  Your  noble  words, 
Sire,  have  found  an  echo  in  our  hearts.  Would  that 
they  had  been  heard  as  well  in  the  remotest  corners 
of  France  !  .  .  .  Depart,  Sire,  with  confidence.  Let 
no  disquiet  about  the  fate  of  what  you  and  we  hold 
most  dear,  trouble  your  great  thoughts.  Go  with 
our  sons  and  brothers  to  drive  away  the  assembled 
forces  of  the  enemy  ravaging  our  provinces.  To  the 
strength  of  your  troops  and  to  the  power  of  your 
genius,  we  shall  add  the  power  of  public  spirit, 
aroused  by  our  country's  danger,  by  the  might  of 
national  pride,  indignant  at  the  insolent  pride  of  the 
foreigners,  and  very  soon  the  enemy  will  recognize 
the  imprudence  of  their  undertaking  and  the  falsity 
of  their  hopes.  .  .  .  On  receiving  the  crown,  Sire, 
you  received  also  our  oaths.  We  lay  them  once  more 
before  Your  Majesty,  before  your  revered  wife,  so 
worthy  of  your  love  and  of  ours.  .  .  .  Before  the 
cradle  of  your  august  son,  Madame,  we  beg  Your 
Majesty  to  convey  the  expression  of  our  feelings  to 
your  august  spouse." 

They  were  hastening  to  burn  what  was  left  of  the 
Imperial  incense;  soon  they  were  to  be  offering  it 
before  the  Royalists. 


THE  OPENING   OF  THE  CAMPAIGN.  5 

January  27,  at  eight  in  the  morning,  Napoleon 
entered  Saint  Dizier.  On  seeing  him,  the  despondent 
populace  took  new  courage  and  became  more  hopeful. 
A  letter  from  this  place,  dated  January  28,  was 
printed  in  the  Moniteur.  It  ran  thus :  "  The  enemy 
were  here  two  days  ago,  committing  deeds  of  violence, 
respecting  neither  age  nor  sex.  Women  and  old  men 
were  exposed  to  their  insults  and  maltreatment.  The 
arrival  yesterday  of  the  French  troops  put  an  end  to 
our  sufferings.  The  Emperor's  entry  was  the  occa- 
sion of  most  touching  scenes.  The  whole  populace 
gathered  about  him ;  all  our  sufferings  were  forgotten. 
An  old  colonel,  M.  Bouland,  who  is  seventy  years  of 
age,  threw  himself  at  his  feet  which  he  bedewed  with 
tears  of  joy,  and  gave  expression  both  to  all  the  grief 
that  a  brave  soldier  must  feel  at  seeing  his  native 
land  polluted  by  the  presence  of  the  enemy,  and  his 
joy  at  seeing  them  in  flight  before  the  Imperial 
eagles." 

Napoleon,  with  all  the  ardor  of  his  youth,  ma- 
noeuvred to  prevent  the  junction  of  the  army  of 
Silesia,  commanded  by  Bliicher,  with  that  of  Bohemia, 
commanded  by  Schwarzenberg.  For  the  conflict  he 
had  but  fifty  thousand  men  to  oppose  to  the  two 
hundred  and  thirty  thousand  of  the  enemy ;  neverthe- 
less he  w%as  full  of  confidence.  His  plan  was  to  throw 
himself  on  the  flank  of  the  forces  of  the  Coalition,  to 
surprise  them  by  this  attack,  which  should  disconcert 
and  possibly  destroy  the  enemy.  That  is  why  he 
left  the  Marne,  turning  suddenly  to  the  right,  towards 


THE  INVASION  OF  18 U. 


the  Aube.  His  aim  was  Brienne,  which  Bliicher  was 
passing  through  at  that  moment.  He  made  his  way 
through  the  dark  forest  by  a  straight  road  which 
favored  his  impatience.  At  MaiziSres,  a  village 
near  Brienne,  he  said  to  the  National  Guards,  who 
were  crowding  about  him :  "  We  fight  to-day  for  our 
firesides,  and  must  defend  them  well,  and  not  let  the 
Cossacks  get  to  them.  They  are  wretched  guests, 
and  will  not  leave  any  room  for  you.  Let  us  show 
them  that  every  Frenchman  is  born  a  soldier,  and  a 
good  soldier." 

The  Emperor  recognized  the  cure*  of  MaiziSres  as 
one  of  his  former  regents  of  the  College  of  Brienne. 
"  What !  It's  you,  my  dear  master  !  "  he  exclaimed. 
"  So  you  have  never  left  the  country  ?  So  much  the 
better !  You  will  be  all  the  more  competent  to  serve 
the  nation.  I  needn't  ask  if  you  know  the  neighbor- 
hood." "  Sire,  I  could  find  my  way  everywhere  blind- 
folded." "  Then  come  with  us ;  you  will  be  our 
guide,  and  we  can  talk."  The  old  cure*  mounted  the 
horse  of  Roustan  the  Mameluke  and  became  the 
guide  of  the  army. 

January  29,  was  fought  the  battle  of  Brienne,  be- 
tween Napoleon  and  Bliicher.  The  town,  divided 
into  four  sections  by  two  intersecting  streets,  was 
lost  and  taken  several  times.  One  moment  the  Em- 
peror thought  that  Bliicher  had  been  made  prisoner. 
"  We've  got  the  old  swordsman  !  "  he  shouted ;  "  the 
campaign  will  be  a  short  one."  But  he  was  mistaken ; 
the  Prussian  general  had  not  been  captured ;  he  was 


THE  OPENING  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN.  7 

retreating.  The  French  conscripts,  though  the  enemy 
was  two  to  one,  finally  defeated  the  veterans  of  the 
Coalition. 

January  31,  1814,  Napoleon  wrote  from  Brienne  to 
his  brother  Joseph  :  "  The  affair  at  Brienne  was  very 
hot.  I  lost  three  thousand  men,  and  the  enemy  four  or 
five  thousand.  I  pursued  the  enemy  half-way  to  Bar- 
sur-Aube.  I  had  the  bridges  over  the  Aube,  which  had 
been  burned,  repaired.  A  minute  more  and  General 
Bliicher  with  his  whole  staff  would  have  been  cap- 
tured. The  nephew  of  Chancellor  von  Hardenberg 
was  captured  by  their  side ;  they  were  on  foot  and 
did  not  know  that  I  was  with  the  army.  Since  this 
fight,  our  troops  have  a  high  reputation  with  the 
Allies,  who  had  doubted  of  their  existence.  .  .  .  This 
battle,  the  position  of  our  armies,  and  their  reputa- 
tion, may  hasten  a  peace.  It  would  be  well  for  the 
Paris  newspapers  to  speak  of  the  preparations  for 
defence  and  of  the  arrival  of  many  troops  from  all 
quarters." 

After  the  battle,  Napoleon  established  his  head- 
quarters in  the  castle  of  Brienne,  where  he  spent  two 
nights.  u  During  this  stay,"  says  Constant,  his  valet 
de  chambre,  "  I  recalled  that  of  ten  years  earlier  at 
this  same  castle,  when  he  was  on  his  way  to  Milan  to 
add  the  title  of  King  of  Italy  to  that  of  Emperor 
of  the  French.  Now,  I  said  to  myself,  not  only  is 
Italy  lost  to  him,  but  in  the  middle  of  the  French 
Empire,  only  a  few  leagues  from  his  capital,  the  Em- 
peror is  defending  himself  from  numberless  enemies. 


8  THE  INVASION   OF  18 14. 

Most  of  those  with  him,  accustomed  to  count  on  his 
good  fortune,  still  trusted  to  it ;  yet  we  could  not 
deny  that  there  had  been  a  great  change.  It  was  very 
plain  that  we  were  in  front  of  a  mass  of  foreigners 
whom  hitherto  we  had  seen  only  in  their  own  coun- 
tries, and  who  now  were  in  our  country  in  their  turn." 

General  de  Se*gur  also  describes  Napoleon  returning 
after  so  many  distant  victories  to  the  military  school 
of  Brienne,  where  he  had  spent  his  youth,  and  finding 
it  ravaged,  filled  with  corpses,  littered  with  ruins. 
Then  the  battle-worn  soldier  was  moved.  He  meditated 
on  the  many  evils  of  which  he  was  the  main  cause,  and 
yearned  to  repair  them.  To  console  the  inhabitants 
for  their  losses  he  lavished  money  out  of  his  own 
purse.  Hearing  that  many  young  and  beautiful 
women  had  in  their  terror  sought  refuge  in  the  cel- 
lars of  the  castle,  he  had  them  brought  out,  and  con- 
soled them  himself,  inviting  them  to  dine  at  his  own 
table.  He  told  them  that  he  would  rebuild  the  town, 
that  he  would  buy  the  castle  and  turn  it  into  a  fine 
military  establishment,  or,  rather,  into  an  Imperial 
palace.  After  dinner,  memories  of  his  boyhood  re- 
curred to  him,  and  he  talked  for  some  time,  ending 
with  this  melancholy  exclamation :  "  Could  I  have 
imagined  then  that  I  should  have  to  defend  this  town 
against  the  Russians ! " 

At  Brienne,  in  the  severe  winter  of  1783,  he  had 
made  bastions,  parapets,  and  trenches  in  the  snow, 
and  divided  the  pupils  into  two  camps.  He  made 
himself  commander-in-chief  of   the  besieging  forces 


THE  OPENING  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN.  9 

and  led  them  to  the  attack  with  such  vigor  that  the 
game  had  to  be  stopped,  many  of  the  contestants 
having  received  real  wounds.  Alas !  how  many  other 
men  was  he  to  have  killed  or  wounded  in  his  terrible 
career !  When  he  recalled  the  winter  of  1783,  did 
he  think  of  the  winter  of  1812? 

u  When  we  were  at  Malmaison,"  says  Bourrienne, 
"  how  often,  when  we  were  walking  in  the  path  lead- 
ing to  the  plain  of  Rueil,  did  the  village  bell  inter- 
rupt our  most  serious  conversations !  Bonaparte  used  to 
stop  in  order  not  to  lose  any  of  the  sound,  in  which  he 
delighted.  It  used  to  impress  him  so  strongly  that 
he  would  say  to  me,  with  emotion  :  '  That  recalls  my 
first  years  at  Brienne.  Then  I  was  happy ! '  When 
the  sound  was  silent,  he  would  resume  his  vast  reve- 
ries." Yes,  then  he  was  happy !  But  when  his  dreams 
had  come  true,  when  he  had  attained  an  immense, 
unrivalled  glory,  and  torrents  of  blood  had  been  shed, 
what  did  it  avail  him?  The  plain  uniform  of  the 
pupil  was  better  than  coronation  robes  ;  the  innocence 
of  childhood  better  than  the  conqueror's  pride  !  His 
thoughts  must  have  been  bitter;  his  remorse,  keen. 

But  the  noise  of  battle  soon  interrupted  Napoieon's 
reveries.  From  the  hill  of  Brienne  he  looked  down 
on  the  plain  of  Rothi&re,  where,  January  31,  the  two 
armies  confronted  each  other.  The  battle  was  to  be 
fought  the  next  day,  with  all  the  chances  against  the 
thirty-seven  thousand  Frenchmen,  who  had  to  con- 
tend with  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  of  the 
enemy.     The  sky  was  dark ;    the  snow  was  falling 


10  THE  INVASION   OF  1814. 

heavily.  January  was  going  out  in  gloom,  and 
the  month  of  February  was  to  be  even  more  ter- 
rible. It  was  with  a  certain  satisfaction  that  Paris 
had  heard  of  the  success  at  Brienne,  but  optimism 
was  not  common.  The  disasters  had  been  too  fre- 
quent for  any  confidence  to  be  felt  in  Napoleon's  star. 
The  newspapers  in  the  pay  of  the  government  in  vain 
sought  to  arouse  confidence ;  confidence  did  not 
come  at  command.  The  same  distress  rilled  the 
Emperor's  headquarters  and  the  Tuileries.  Even 
Marie  Louise,  in  spite  of  the  atmosphere  of  flattery 
in  which  she  lived,  in  spite  of  the  pains  taken  to 
conceal  or  to  lessen  every  painful  truth,  was  anxious 
and  alarmed.  Chamberlains,  ministers,  officials,  try 
as  they  might,  could  not  wear  the  confident  look  of 
earlier  days.  All  these  frightened  courtiers  resembled 
a  band  of  stray  actors  who  do  not  know  whether  the 
theatre  they  are  playing  in  one  evening  will  admit 
them  the  next. 


II. 

THE   FIRST   FORTNIGHT  OF   FEBRUARY. 

1VTO  drama  is  more  crowded  with  incident  and 
JLl  anguish  than  is  the  campaign  of  1814,  a  bitter 
struggle  between  despair  and  hope,  between  the  force 
of  events  and  genius.  Neither  Champaubert  nor 
Montmirail,  those  days  of  miracles,  were  to  save  the 
Empire ;  yet  what  glory  there  was  in  the  disasters 
of  this  fatal  and  memorable  war!  Meissonier,  the 
artist  who  has  at  times  done  such  great  painting  on 
minute  canvases,  has  reproduced  better  than  any  one 
the  sombre  and  austere  poetry  of  this  unhappy  period. 
His  Napoleon  on  horseback,  sad  and  solemn,  in  a  col- 
orless plain  half  covered  with  snow,  is  advancing 
slowly,  as  if  clogged  by  fate.  His  generals  are  fol- 
lowing him  in  silence ;  their  sturdy  but  sad  faces  show 
that  only  their  heroism  preserves  them  from  discour- 
agement. All  the  sufferings  and  all  the  deceptions 
of  France  violated,  invaded,  mutilated,  seem  to  be 
united  in  this  picture,  which  inspires  a  feeling  of  patri- 
otic pity.  The  conqueror's  faults  are  forgotten,  his 
contempt  for  human  life,  his  grand  but  futile  plans, 
his  haughtiness,  only  equalled  by  his  genius ;    the 

11 


12  THE  INVASION   OF  I8I4. 

despot  yields  to  the  soldier;  we  pity  his  anguish 
because  it  is  not  that  of  a  common  man,  even  of  a 
monarch,  but  that  of  an  entire  nation.  The  separa- 
tion of  some  of  the  provinces  from  France  was  like 
maiming  the  Emperor  himself.  Madame  de  Stool, 
his  implacable  foe,  said:  "Bonaparte's  campaign 
against  the  Allies,  in  the  winter  of  1814,  is  generally 
recognized  as  very  fine,  and  even  the  Frenchmen 
whom  he  had  proscribed  could  not  keep  from  wish- 
ing that  he  might  succeed  in  saving  the  independence 
of  their  country."  It  was  a  vigorous  and  obstinate 
defence  that  he  made,  one  directed  by  a  sure  hand. 
In  his  wrath  with  fickle  fortune,  Napoleon  fought 
with  indignation  and  rage.  The  insulting  proposi- 
tions of  European  diplomacy  aroused  his  wrath  to 
such  a  degree  of  fury  that  his  energy  became  more 
than  human  in  his  struggle,  not  merely  against  fate, 
but  against  remorse,  against  his  conscience,  which 
reproached  him  bitterly  for  having  gone  to  Moscow  to 
arouse  the  Cossacks  and  to  tempt  them  to  the  banks 
of  the  Seine.  In  his  petty  army,  tried  by  sublime 
devotion  and  courage,  were  heroes,  some  with  smooth 
faces,  others  with  gray  beards ;  there  were  young 
men  with  the  same  fervor  as  the  young  men  of  1792, 
veterans  whom  misfortune,  after  so  much  glory, 
found  firm  and  indomitable.  As  Lacordaire  said  in 
his  funeral  oration  over  General  Drouot :  "  The  hour 
for  great  souls  is  that  when  everything  is  lost !  " 

February  opened  disastrously ;  on  the  first  day  of 
the   month   Napoleon   lost  the   battle   of   RothiSre: 


THE  FIRST  FORTNIGHT  OF  FEBRUARY.         13 

thirty-seven  thousand  men  could  not  triumph  over 
one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand.  Though  defeated, 
the  great  general  remained  impassible  amid  a  storm 
of  bullets  and  cannon-balls,  saying  to  those  who 
urged  his  withdrawal  to  a  place  of  safety,  "No; 
leave  me  alone:  don't  you  know  that  our  days  are 
numbered?"  In  the  night  it  was  only  with  difficulty 
that  he  decided  to  beat  a  retreat.  So  great  remained 
his  ascendancy  over  his  enemies  that  they  did  not 
pursue  him ;  they  could  not  believe  in  their  own  suc- 
cess, and  when  the  sun  rose  in  the  morning  of  Feb- 
ruary 2,  it  was  an  hour  before  the  sight  of  the  vast 
empty  plain  convinced  them  of  their  victory. 

February  3,  King  Joseph  wrote  to  the  Emperor: 
"  Yesterday  and  the  day  before  there  was  too  much 
confidence ;  to-day  there  is  too  little.  To-day  I  have 
visited  the  outposts  on  the  left  bank ;  they  will  be  in 
readiness  in  three  days.  I  was  much  pleased  with 
the  aspect  of  the  suburbs."  And  February  5 :  "  To-day 
I  found  much  despondency,  and  I  had  great  difficulty 
in  encouraging  a  number  of  persons.  I  have  seen 
the  Empress  twice,  and  I  left  her  in  a  calmer  state 
last  evening;  she  had  just  received  a  letter  from 
Your  Majesty  in  which  mention  was  made  of  the 
Congress.  If  Your  Majesty  should  meet  with  serious 
reverses,  what  form  of  government  should  be  left 
here  to  prevent  conspirators  from  heading  a  move- 
ment? Jerome  asks  me  what  is  to  be  done  in  this 
case.  Men  are  coming,  but  we  have  no  money  for 
their  equipment." 


14  THE  INVASION   OF  1814. 

Every  day  swelled  the  general  alarm.  Napoleon 
wrote  from  Troyes,  to  Joseph,  February  6 :  "  Have 
everything  valuable  removed  from  Fontainebleau,  and 
especially  everything  that-  might  figure  as  a  trophy, 
yet  without  stripping  the  palace."  The  same  day 
the  Emperor,  hearing  that  the  invaders  were  out- 
flanking him  and  moving  towards  Paris,  perceived 
that  he  had  to  leave  Troyes.  Thirteen  leagues  of 
territory  were  abandoned  by  this  retreat.  The  sol- 
diers marched  in  utter  gloom.  "  When  are  we  to 
halt?"  was  the  question  on  every  one's  lips.  The 
7th  they  reached  Nogent,  where,  for  a  few  hours, 
everything  seemed  hopeless.  Napoleon  was  dis- 
traught by  the  necessity  of  thinking  of  the  capital, 
alive  with  Royalist  intrigue;  of  the  battle-fields, 
where  he  was  perpetually  risking  his  own  life  and 
the  future  of  France ;  of  the  Congress  of  Chatillon, 
where  negotiations  were  going  on  while  the  armies 
were  fighting,  and  whence  came  propositions,  each 
more  humiliating  than  the  one  before.  It  was  hard 
for  him  to  keep  his  head  amid  so  many  dangers.  Bad 
news  arrived  from  every  quarter  of  the  Empire,  like 
birds  of  evil  omen  crowding  to  a  single  spot.  Two 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  Frenchmen  were  scattered 
about  most  needlessly,  —  fifty  thousand  on  the  Elbe, 
one  hundred  thousand  under  the  Pyrenees,  and  a 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  beyond  the  Alps.  What 
might  not  these  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men 
have  accomplished  if  they  had  not  been  scattered  in 
this  useless  way  ?    There  was  still  a  chance  for  safety, 


THE  FIRST  FORTNIGHT  OF  FEBRUARY.         15 

if  Murat  could  unite  with  Prince  Eugene  to  attack 
the  Austrian  rear.  But,  to  the  general  amazement, 
Murat  had  become  the  ally  of  the  Austrians  and 
the  English. 

Napoleon,  betrayed  on  every  side,  wrote  in  utter 
sadness :  "  It  is  my  marriage  that  has  wrought  my 
ruin !  I  don't  complain  of  the  Empress,  but  counted 
too  much  upon  the  Austrians !  .  .  .  My  father-in- 
law,  Metternich,  their  army  corps  which  served  under 
my  flag  in  1812,  have  deceived  me !  And,  finally, 
you  see  that  everything,  even  the  winter,  has  con- 
spired against  me.  The  earth,  which  was  frozen  hard 
on  the  eve  of  my  march  to  Brienne,  turned  to  mud 
the  next  day.  Marmont  remained  there,  and  that 
unfortunate  affair  at  Rothi&re,  which  I  could  not 
avoid,  makes  peace  indispensable.  My  soldiers  are 
unwilling  to  fight  any  more."  The  Allies  had  in- 
vaded Aix-la-Chapelle,  Liege,  Brussels,  all  Belgium. 
They  had  again  taken  possession  of  the  Marne,  cap- 
tured Vitry,  and  forced  Chalons  to  surrender.  As  a 
condition  of  peace  they  insisted  on  confining  France 
within  its  old  boundaries,  the  boundaries  of  1790. 
"  What !  "  exclaimed  Napoleon ;  "  ask  me  to  sign  such 
a  treaty,  to  trample  upon  my  oath !  Un-heard-of  re- 
verses have  forced  me  to  renounce  further  conquests, 
but  to  abandon  those  of  the  Republic,  to  destroy  what 
was  confided  to  my  keeping,  and  after  so  many  efforts 
and  so  many  victories,  to  leave  France  smaller  than  I 
found  it,  never !  It  would  be  treason  and  cowardice. 
You  fear  the  prolonging  of  the  war,  and  I  fear  still 


16  THE  INVASION   OF  1814. 

more  certain  dangers  which  you  do  not  foresee !  .  .  . 
Consider !  what  should  I  be  to  the  French  after  putting 
my  signature  to  their  humiliation?  What  answer 
could  I  make  to  the  Republicans  of  the  Senate  when 
they  came  to  ask  of  me  once  more  the  boundary  of 
the  Rhine?''  Nevertheless,  the  Emperor's  counsel- 
lors, deeming  longer  resistance  hopeless,  besought 
him  to  yield.  All  night  long  Napoleon  lay  awake; 
his  heart  torn  by  anguish,  and  he  was  heard  to  mutter 
in  a  dull,  broken  voice :  "  Very  well ;  yes,  you  shall 
have  peace,  you  want  it  —  but  you  will  see  that  it  is 
a  disgraceful  peace  !  " 

At  this  time  Paris  was  overwhelmed  with  terror. 
Joseph  wrote  to  Napoleon,  February  7 :  "  The  evacu- 
ation of  Chalons  has  thrown  us  all  into  consternation." 
And  Marie  Louise  wrote  to  Joseph  the  next  day: 
"The  Emperor  tells  me  not  to  worry.  You  know 
that  is  impossible."  Already  people  began  to  think 
of  the  possibility  of  the  Empress's  departure.  Feb- 
ruary 7,  at  eleven  in  the  evening,  Joseph  wrote  to 
Napoleon  a  long  letter  from  which  we  make  this 
extract :  "  I  am  very  desirous  that  the  Empress  shall 
not  depart.  We  cannot  hide  from  ourselves  that  the 
alarm  and  despair  of  the  populace  would  have  sad 
and  fatal  results.  I  think,  as  do  all  whose  opinion 
I  value,  that  we  should  make  every  sacrifice  before 
proceeding  to  this  extremity.  Men  devoted  to  Your 
Majesty's  government  fear  lest  the  Empress's  depart- 
ure would  drive  the  people  of  the  capital  to  despair, 
and  hand  over  the  capital  and  the  Empire  to  the 


THE  FIRST  FORTNIGHT  OF  FEBRUARY.         17 

Bourbons.  While  I  thus  give  utterance  to  the  terrors 
which  I  read  on  every  face,  Your  Majesty  may  be 
assured  that  his  orders  will  be  executed  by  me  with 
the  utmost  fidelity  as  soon  as  I  receive  them." 

Napoleon  received  this  letter  at  Nogent,  at  the  very 
moment  when  he  thought  that  nothing  was  left  for 
him  but  to  die  on  the  field  of  battle.  His  letter  in  reply 
was  published  for  the  first  time  in  full,  by  the  Baron 
Ducasse,  in  his  interesting  volume,  The  Royal  Brothers 
of  Napoleon  L  Here  are  a  few  passages  from  this 
letter,  dated  Nogent,  February  8,  1814,  4  a.m.,  which 
was  to  have  such  disastrous  consequences  before  the 
end  of  the  following  month :  — 

uMy  Brother:  I  have  received  your  letter  of  the 
7th  at  11  p.m.  It  surprises  me  much.  I  have  read 
King  Louis's  letter,  which  is  a  mere  rhapsody ;  that 
man  has  but  little  judgment,  and  he  never  grasps  a 
question  properly.  I  have  spoken  to  you  about  the 
case  of  Paris,  that  you  should  not  call  the  end  in 
question  any  more  ;  it  concerns  more  people  than  me. 
When  that  happens,  I  shall  be  no  longer  alive ;  con- 
sequently, I  don't  speak  for  myself.  I  told  you, 
about  the  Empress  and  the  King  of  Rome,  what  the 
circumstances  indicate,  and  you  have  failed  to  under- 
stand what  I  said.  You  may  be  sure  that  if  that  con- 
tingency arrives,  what  I  foretold  to  you  will  infallibly 
happen.  I  am  sure  that  she  too  has  a  presentiment  of 
this  [an  allusion  to  Marie  Louise,  who  thought  that 
the  Emperor  would  get  himself  killed].  King  Louis 
speaks  of  peace,  which  is  giving  his  advice  at  a  very 


18  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

improper  time.  Moreover,  I  don't  understand  your 
letter  at  all.  I  thought  I  had  explained  everything  to 
you ;  you  never  remember  anything,  and  you  always 
agree  with  the  first  man  who  talks  to  you  and  im- 
presses his  views  on  you.  I  repeat  it  then :  Paris 
will  never  be  occupied  while  I  am  alive ;  I  have  the 
right  to  be  believed  by  those  who  hear  me." 

Those  who  reproach  General  Ducrot  for  his  cele- 
brated proclamation  at  the  siege  of  Paris  should 
reflect  on  this  broken  promise.  But  to  return  to  the 
letter  of  February  8, 1814 :  "  Afterwards,  if  by  force  of 
circumstances  which  I  cannot  now  foresee,  if  I  should 
move  towards  the  Loire,  I  should  not  leave  the  Em- 
press and  my  son  far  from  me,  because,  in  any  event, 
it  might  happen  that  they  would  be  captured  and 
carried  to  Vienna;  and  that  would  happen  all  the 
sooner  if  I  were  no  longer  alive." 

Referring  to  Talleyrand,  Fouch^,  and  a  few  others, 
the  Emperor  went  on :  "I  do  not  understand  how, 
during  these  intrigues  under  your  very  eyes,  you 
express  such  imprudent  praise  of  the  proposition  of 
traitors  unworthy  of  advising  any  honorable  course. 
Yes,  I  will  be  frank  with  you ;  if  Talleyrand  shares 
this  opinion  about  letting  the  Empress  leave  Paris,  in 
case  the  enemy  should  approach,  it  is  treason.  I  say 
to  you  once  more,  be  on  your  guard  against  that 
man ;  that  is  what  I  have  done  for  sixteen  years.  I 
have  ever  been  kind  to  him ;  but  he  is  certainly  the 
greatest  enemy  of  our  house,  now  that  fortune  has 
for  some  time  abandoned  us.  Regard  the  counsel  I 
give  you ;  I  know  more  than  those  people. 


THE  FIRST  FORTNIGHT  OF  FEBRUARY.         19 

"  If  a  battle  should  be  lost,  and  news  of  my  death 
should  come,  you  would  hear  of  it  before  any  one  else. 
See  that  the  Empress  and  the  King  of  Rome  leave  at 
once -for  Rambouillet;  give  orders  to  the  Senate,  the 
Council  of  State,  and  all  the  troops  to  assemble  on 
the  Loire.  Leave  at  Paris  a  prefect  and  an  Imperial 
Commission  or  some  of  the  mayors. . . .  But  do  not  let 
the  Empress  and  the  King  of  Rome  fall  into  the  ene- 
my's hands.  Be  sure  that  from  that  moment  Austria, 
being  no  longer  interested,  would  carry  her  to  Vienna 
with  a  generous  allowance,  and  under  the  pretext  of 
seeing  the  Empress  happy,  would  force  the  French 
to  adopt  whatever  the  Regent  of  England  and  Russia 
might  suggest.  Every  party  would  find  itself  thereby 
destroyed,  while,  in  the  opposite  case,  the  national 
spirit  of  the  great  number  of  those  interested  in  the 
revolt  would  render  every  result  incalculable.  .  .  . 
It  is  to  the  interest  of  Paris  that  the  Empress  and 
the  King  of  Rome  do  not  stay  there,  because  this 
interest  cannot  be  divided  from  their  persons,  and 
because,  since  the  foundation  of  the  world,  I  have 
never  known  of  a  monarch's  being  captured  in  an 
unfortified  town  :  it  would  be  the  first  case. 

"  In  the  confusion  of  a  great  crisis,  one  does  what 
one  has  to  do,  and  lets  the  rest  go.  Now,  if  I  live,  I 
am  to  be  obeyed ;  and  I  have  no  doubt  of  this  obedi- 
ence. If  I  die,  my  son  reigning  and  the  Empress 
Regent  ought,  for  the  honor  of  the  French,  not  to 
let  themselves  be  taken,  and  should  retreat  to  the 
remotest  village.     Remember  what  the  wife  of  Philip 


20  THE  INVASION   OF  1814.    x 

V.  said.  Indeed,  what  would  be  said  of  the  Empress  ? 
That  she  abandoned  the  throne  of  her  son  and  of 
ourselves ;  and  the  Allies  would  prefer  to  end  every- 
thing by  carrying  her  a  prisoner  to  Vienna.  I  am 
surprised  that  you  don't  see  that.  It  is  evident  that 
every  one's  head  in  Paris  is  turned  by  fear." 

This  memorable  letter  ended  with  this  fear,  or, 
more  truly,  this  prophecy:  "For  my  part,  I  had 
rather  my  son  should  have  his  throat  cut  than  that  I 
should  see  him  brought  up  in  Vienna  as  an  Austrian 
prince ;  and  I  have  a  high  enough  opinion  of  the 
Empress  to  be  sure  that  she  shares  this  opinion  so 
far  as  a  woman  and  a  mother  can." 

Suddenly,  just  when  everything  seemed  absolutely 
hopeless,  after  the  night  of  February  8,  in  which  there 
were  prepared  for  the  Duke  of  Vicenza,  the  French 
plenipotentiary  at  the  Congress  of  Chatillon,  de- 
spatches pacific  even  to  humiliation,  Napoleon  learned 
that  Bliicher,  with  perilous  audacity,  had  entered 
Brie,  in  Champagne,  and  was  making  forced  marches 
on  Paris.  At  once  the  Emperor,  as  if  arousing  from 
a  disturbed  sleep,  breathed  new  hope,  and  resolved  to 
make  the  Prussians  pay  well  for  their  boldness  by 
suddenly  falling  on  their  flank.  With  the  eye  of  an 
eagle  about  to  seize  his  prey,  he  saw  the  very  point 
where  he  was  to  attack  them.  Then  passing  in  a 
moment  from  the  blackest  despair  to  boundless  confi- 
dence, his  pride  reviving  and  filled  with  regret  for 
the  concessions  he  had  prepared  himself  to  make,  he 
expected  to  regain  everything  by  a  single  stroke.    He 


THE  FIRST  FORTNIGHT  OF  FEBRUARY.         21 

saw  himself  already  victorious  over  the  Coalition, 
driving  it  over  the  frontiers,  pursuing  it  beyond  the 
Rhine,  the  Elba,  the  Vistula.  He  was  bending  over 
his  maps,  measuring  distances  with  a  compass,  when 
the  Duke  of  Bassario  entered  the  room  with  the 
despatches  prepared  in  the  night  for  the  Congress. 
"  Oh !  it's  you !  "  exclaimed  Napoleon.  "  Well,  we 
have  something  very  different  before  us  now.  I  am 
now  preparing  to  beat  Bliicher.  He  is  advancing  by 
the  Montmirail  road;  I  shall  leave  and  beat  him 
to-morrow  and  the  next  day.  If  this  movement  is  as 
successful  as  it  ought  to  be,  the  state  of  affairs  will 
be  entirely  changed,  and  then  we  shall  see." 

Then  followed  a  series  of  wonders,  like  the  most 
brilliant  days  of  the  Italian  campaign.  The  10th, 
Napoleon  beat  the  Russians  at  Champaubert;  the 
11th,  he  won  the  bloody  victory  of  Montmirail  over 
the  Prussians;  the  12th,  he  pursued  the  fleeing  foe 
and  triumphed  at  Chateau-Thierry;  the  14th,  he 
beat  Bliicher  at  Vauchamps.  It  had  taken  him  only 
five  days  to  disorganize  the  army  of  Silesia,  and  to 
capture  twenty-eight  thousand  men  of  this  army  of 
sixty  thousand.  This  brilliant  result,  this  series  of 
victories,  made  a  great  impression  on  Paris,  without, 
however,  seriously  affecting  the  natural  alarm  of  the 
populace.  Yet  Joseph,  having  heard  of  the  victory 
of  Champaubert,  had  written  to  Napoleon,  February 
11:  — 

"Sire:  I  received  Your  Majesty's  letter  at  the 
moment  I  was  reviewing  the  National  Guard  of  Paris 


22  THE  INVASION  OF  18U. 

in  the  courtyard  of  the  Tuileries.  I  communicated 
the  good  news  to  the  officers,  who  were  filled  with 
the  utmost  enthusiasm.  Six  thousand  men  of  the 
National  Guard  were  present,  well  equipped  and  in 
excellent  spirits.  The  King  of  Rome  was  at  his  win- 
dow, and  was  greeted  with  cries  of  'Long  live  the 
Emperor ! '  I  also  told  the  news  to  the  Councillors 
of  State,  and  all  Paris  is  joyous ;  for  in  fact  the 
national  honor  is  not  extinct.  The  Empress,  whom 
I  saw  before  she  went  out,  and  whom  I  have  just 
seen  again,  has  ordered  that  cannon  be  fired,  and  that 
the  news  be  announced  at  the  theatres  this  evening." 
The  Imperial  star  still  shone  bright  just  before  set- 
ting. Never  had  Napoleon  shown  himself  a  more 
skilful  tactician.  One  short,  heroic  week  had  been 
enough  for  him  to  capture  from  the  Allies  five  gen- 
erals, sixty-eight  cannons,  many  wagons  and  stores, 
and  more  than  twenty-eight  thousand  prisoners.  The 
army  of  Silesia  which,  on  the  9th  of  February,  had 
been  only  twelve  leagues  from  Paris,  was  driven 
back  by  the  14th  to  forty  leagues.  Napoleon,  de- 
sirous that  the  capital  should  still  believe  in  its 
Emperor's  genius  and  good  fortune,  gave  orders  that 
the  eighteen  thousand  prisoners  he  had  captured  at 
Champaubert,  Montmirail,  Chateau-Thierry,  and  Vau- 
champs,  should  be  at  once  despatched  to  Paris,  and 
that  there,  to  convince  the  most  incredulous  of  the 
great  results  obtained,  they  should  march  along  the 
boulevards  and  past  the  Column  Vend6me. 


III. 


THE   SECOND    FORTNIGHT   OF    FEBRUARY. 

AT  the  beginning  of  the  second  fortnight  of 
February  Napoleon  was  far  from  despairing  of 
his  chances.  Still,  the  defeat  of  the  army  of  Silesia 
was  only  an  episode,  not  a  final  solution.  He  now 
had  to  contend  with  the  Austrian  army  commanded 
by  the  Prince  of  Schwarzenberg,  who,  after  having 
forced  the  bridges  of  Nogent,  Bray,  and  Montereau, 
was  advancing  on  Nangis.  The  Bavarians,  under 
General  von  Wrede,  and  the  Russians,  under  General 
Wittgenstein,  formed  the  vanguard.  The  Austrian 
corps  of  Bianchi  was  marching  on  Fontainebleau, 
while  Platow's  Cossacks  were  devastating  the  region 
between  the  Yonne  and  the  Loire.  Napoleon  reached 
Meaux  February  15,  and  the  next  day  moved  towards 
Guignes.  The  road  was  covered  with  carts,  into 
which  the  neighboring  villagers  crowded  a  durable 
supply  of  provisions  for  the  weary  soldiers.  The 
artillery  advanced  in  post-wagons. 

The  same  day  the  Parisians  read  in  the  Moniteur: 
"  The  exasperation  of  the  inhabitants  is  at  its  height. 
The  enemy  is  everywhere  committing  the  most  horri- 


24  THE  INVASION   OF  I8I4. 

ble  outrages.  All  the  measures  are  taken  for  sur- 
rounding them  on  every  side  at  the  first  movement  in 
retreat.  Thousands  await  only  this  moment  to  rise. 
The  sacred  soil  which  the  enemy  have  polluted  will 
be  their  grave.  This  army  of  Silesia,  composed  of 
the  Russian  corps  of  Sachen  and  Langeron,  and 
Kleist's  and  York's  Prussian  corps,  and  consisting  of 
eighty  thousand  men,  has  been  beaten,  scattered,  an- 
nihilated, in  four  days."  February  18  the  Moniteur 
contained  this  article :  "  The  atrocities  committed  by 
the  Cossacks  pass  all  conception.  In  their  wild 
intoxication  they  have  offered  violence  to  women  of 
sixty  and  girls  of  twelve.  The  peasants,  in  their 
eagerness  for  vengeance,  guided  by  invalided  soldiers, 
and  armed  with  the  guns  of  the  enemy  picked  up  on 
the  battle-field,  have  laid  hands  on  all  they  have  met. 
Those  armies  which  boasted  that  they  had  entered 
our  territory  to  bring  peace,  happiness,  science,  and 
arts,  will  meet  with  destruction." 

Napoleon  had  slept  at  Nangis  February  17.  In  the 
evening  a  flag  of  truce  appeared  at  the  outposts.  It 
was  Count  von  Paar,  who  asked  for  an  armistice  in 
the  name  of  Prince  Schwarzenberg.  The  next  day 
Napoleon  wrote  to  Joseph :  — 

"My  Brother:  Prince  Schwarzenberg  has  just 
shown  a  sign  of  life.  He  has  sent  a  flag  of  truce 
to  ask  for  a  suspension  of  hostilities.  It  is  not  easy 
to  be  so  cowardly.  Constantly  he  had  refused  in 
the  most  insulting  terms  every  form  of  the  suspen- 
sion of  hostilities,  of  armistice,  even  the  reception 


THE  SECOND  FORTNIGHT  OF  FEBRUARY.       25 

of  my  flags  of  truce,  after  the  battles  of  Dantzic 
and  of  Dresden, — a  horrible  thing,  almost  unheard 
of  in  history.  These  wretches  fall  on  their  knees 
at  the  first  reverse.  Fortunately  Prince  Schwar- 
zenberg's  aide-de-camp  was  denied  entrance.  I  have 
only  received  his  letter,  which  I  shall  answer  at 
my  convenience.  I  shall  grant  no  armistice  until 
they  have  evacuated  my  territory.  From  what  I 
hear,  everything  has  altered  with  the  Allies.  The 
Emperor  of  Russia,  who  a  few  days  ago  broke  off 
negotiations  because  he  wished  to  impose  on  France 
severer  conditions  than  her  old  boundaries,  now  de- 
sires to  renew  them ;  and  I  hope  soon  to  make  a  peace 
on  the  Frankfort  basis,  which  is  the  least  that  I  can 
do  with  honor.  Before  beginning  operations  I  offered 
to  sign  a  treaty  accepting  the  old  boundaries,  pro- 
vided they  would  stop  at  once.  This  step  was  taken 
by  the.  Duke  of  Vicenza  on  the  8th.  They  an- 
swered in  the  negative,  alleging  that  even  signing 
the  preliminaries  would  not  put  a  stop  .to  hostilities, 
which  could  only  happen  when  all  the  articles  of 
peace  were  signed.  This  inconceivable  reply  has 
been  punished;  and  yesterday,  the  17th,  they  begged 
for  an  armistice !  You  may  imagine  that,  being  on 
the  eve  of  a  battle  in  which  I  was  determined  to  con- 
quer or  to  perish,  and  in  which,  if  I  were  beaten,  my 
capital  would  have  been  taken,  I  agreed  to  anything 
to  avoid  this  terrible  risk.  I  owed  to  my  family  and 
to  my  people  this  sacrifice  of  my  pride;  but  when 
they  refused  it,  and  the  risk  of  battle  was  renewed 


26  THE  INVASION   OF  18 U. 

and  the  chances  of  ordinary  war  returned,  in  which 
my  capital  was  no  longer  imperilled  by  a  single  battle, 
and  everything  was  in  my  favor,  I  owe  it  to  the 
interest  of  the  Empire  and  to  my  own  glory  to  nego- 
tiate a  real  peace.  If  I  had  signed  with  the  old 
boundaries,  I  should  have  renewed  the  war  in  two 
years,  telling  the  nation  that  it  was  not  a  peace  that 
I  had  signed,  but  a  capitulation.  In  the  new  state 
of  affairs  I  should  not  be  able  to  say  it,  since  now 
that  fortune  is  once  more  favorable  to  me  I  am  master 
of  the  conditions." 

Was  this  optimism  sincere?  Was  Napoleon  try- 
ing to  deceive  others  or  to  deceive  himself?  How- 
ever this  may  be,  the  end  of  the  letter  seems  to  show 
great  confidence  in  the  future.  "  The  enemy,"  he 
said,  "is  in  a  very  different  condition  from  that  in 
which  it  was  when  the  Frankfort  conditions  were 
proposed  and  is  convinced  that  but  few  of  its  troops 
will  again  cover  the  frontiers.  The  cavalry  is  very 
tired  and  dispirited ;  the  infantry  worn  out  by  march- 
ing and  countermarching,  and  thoroughly  discour- 
aged. Hence  I  hope  to  be  able  to  make  a  peace 
such  as  every  reasonable  man  could  desire ;  and  my 
desires  do  not  go  beyond  the  Frankfort  propositions. 
Spread  it  abroad  that  the  enemy  has  asked  for  an 
armistice  or  a  suspension  of  hostilities ;  an  absurd 
request,  because  it  would  rob  me  of  the  advantages 
I  had  gained  by  my  manoeuvres ;  add  that  this 
shows  their  discouragement.  Don't  let  it  be  printed, 
but  have  it  said  everywhere." 


THE  SECOND  FORTNIGHT  OF  FEBRUARY.       27 

February  18,  the  day  this  letter  was  written,  Napo- 
leon was  victorious  at  the  battle  of  Montereau,  one 
of  the  most  brilliant  affairs  of  the  campaign.  Never 
had  he  shown  greater  audacity.  Recalling  his  train- 
ing in  the  artillery,  he  aimed  the  guns  himself, 
ordered  the  firing,  and  when  the  men  murmured  at 
the  rash  way  in  which  he  exposed  himself,  he  ex- 
claimed :  "  Don't  worry,  my  friends ;  the  ball  that 
is  going  to  kill  me  isn't  yet  cast."  February  19, 
he  wrote  to  Joseph  from  the  castle  of  Surville :  — 

"  My  Brother  :  It  took  us  all  day  to  get  through 
that  horrible  pass  of  Montereau.  I  have  just  had  a 
bridge  thrown  over  the  Seine,  and  another  over  the 
Yonne.  .  .  .  The  Emperor  of  Russia  and  the  King  of 
Prussia  were  at  Bray.  As  soon  as  they  heard  that  I 
had  won  the  bridge  of  Montereau,  they  fled  in  all  haste. 
The  enemy's  army  is  terrified.  The  three  sovereigns 
have  been  for  some  days  at  Pont,  at  Madame 's.  They 
expected  to  reach  Fontainebleau  to-morrow,  and  to  be 
at  Paris  in  a  few  days.  Everything  that  has  befallen 
them  seems  inconceivable.  To-day  is  cold,  and  snow 
is  falling.  I  send  to  the  Empress  something  for  the 
Moniteur,  but  you  might  have  put  in  the  Moniteur, 
and  small  newspapers,  under  news  from  the  Provinces, 
an  article  about  the  haste  in  which  the  sovereigns  left 
Bray.  The  Austrians  have  guaranteed  my  palace  of 
Fontainebleau  against  the  pillage  of  the  Cossacks.  .  .  . 
I  could  not  be  more  satisfied  with  the  spirit  displayed 
by  all  the  towns  and  the  country,  and  by  the  feelings 
of  every  one." 


28  THE  INVASION   OF  18 U. 

In  Paris,  hope  began  to  revive.  Joseph  wrote  to 
the  Emperor,  February  20  :  u  Your  Majesty  has  every 
reason  to  believe  that  his  wishes  for  an  honorable 
peace  on  the  Frankfort  condition  will  be  granted.  I 
do  not  believe  that  there  is  a  single  Frenchman  with 
different  opinions  "  ;  and  February  21 :  "  Every  one 
agrees  that  Your  Majesty  should  not  have  accorded 
a  suspension  of  hostilities.  Every  one  desires  peace 
with  the  natural  boundaries.  No  one  now  wants 
the  former  frontiers." 

February  20,  Napoleon  has  advanced  up  the  Seine, 
on  the  left  bank,  by  the  road  from  Montereau  to 
Nogent.  That  evening  he  halted  in  this  last  town, 
which  had  suffered  cruelly,  and  was  but  a  mass  of 
burnt  and  battered  walls.  In  this  disaster  the  Sisters 
of  Saint  Vincent  de  Paul  had,  as  ever,  performed 
miracles  of  devotion  and  charity.  The  Emperor 
thanked  them  in  the  name  of  the  country.  Mean- 
while the  retreat  of  the  enemy  after  the  reverse  at 
Montereau  seemed  to  be  turning  into  a  rout.  A  sort 
of  panic  threw  disorder  into  their  ranks.  The  roads 
through  the  Vosges  were  lined  with  carts,  drivers, 
wounded,  and  fugitives,  hurrying  to  the  Rhine.  A 
hundred  thousand  men  were  fleeing  before  Napoleon, 
who  had  but  forty  thousand  for  their  pursuit. 

It  was  then  —  February  21,  1814  —  that  he  wrote 
from  Nogent  to  his  father-in-law,  the  Emperor  of 
Austria,  one  of  the  most  curious  letters  that  ever 
came  from  his  pen.     It  began  thus :  — 


THE  SECOND  FORTNIGHT  OF  FEBBVABY.      29 

"My  Brother  and  very  dear  Father-in-law: 
I  did  my  best  to  avoid  the  battle  which  has  just  taken 
place.  Fortune  has  favored  me,  and  I  have  destroyed 
the  Russian  and  Prussian  army  commanded  by  Gen- 
eral Bliicher,  and  later,  the  Prussian  army  commanded 
by  General  Kleist.  In  this  state  of  affairs,  whatever 
opinions  may  exist  at  your  headquarters,  my  army 
outnumbers  in  infantry,  cavalry,  and  artillery  Your 
Majesty's  army.  And  if  this  assurance  should  be 
necessary  to  your  decision,  I  shall  have  no  difficulty 
in  proving  this  to  any  man  of  sound  judgment,  such 
as  Prince  Schwarzenberg,  Count  Bubna,  or  Prince 
Metternich.  I  deem  it  my  duty  to  write  to  Your 
Majesty,  because  this  contest  between  a  French  army 
and  one  mainly  Austrian  seems  to  me  contrary  to  your 
interests  as  well  as  to  my  own.  If  fortune  betrays 
my  hopes,  Your  Majesty's  situation  will  be  only  the 
more  embarrassing.  If  I  defeat  your  army,  how  will 
it  withdraw  from  France  with  the  population  already 
exasperated  to  the  highest  pitch  by  the  crimes  of  all 
sorts  of  which  the  Cossacks  and  the  Russians  have 
been  guilty?  In  this  state  of  affairs,  I  propose  to 
Your  Majesty  to  sign  a  peace  without  delay,  on  the 
bases  you  proposed  at  Frankfort,  which  I  and  the 
French  nation  have  adopted  as  our  ultimatum.  I  say 
more :  these  bases  can  alone  re-establish  the  European 
equilibrium.  If  harder  conditions  had  been  imposed 
on  France,  peace  would  have  been  of  short  duration. 
.  .  .  There  is  no  Frenchman  who  would  not  have 
preferred  death  to  the  acceptance  of  conditions  which 


30  THE  INVASION  OF  18 U. 

could  make  us  slaves  of  England,  and  strike  out 
France  from  the  list  of  powers.  England  may  well 
desire  to  destroy  Antwerp,  and  to  put  an  obstacle  in 
the  way  of  the  re-establishment  of  the  French  navy ; 
but  you,  Sire,  what  is  your  interest  in  the  annihilation 
of  the  French  navy?  Your  Majesty  becomes  a  mari- 
time power  by  the  conditions  you  set  at  Frankfort. 
Do  you  want  your  flag  outraged  and  insulted  by 
England  as  it  constantly  has  been?  What  interest 
can  Your  Majesty  have  in  putting  Belgium  under  the 
yoke  of  a  Protestant  prince,  whose  son  will  ascend 
the  English  throne?  All  these  hopes  and  plans  lie 
beyond  the  power  of  the  Coalition.  If  the  battle 
against  Your  Majesty's  army  should  be  lost,  I  have 
the  means  for  fighting  two  more  before  it  reaches 
Paris;  and  even  if  Paris  were  taken,  the  rest  of 
France  would  never  endure  the  yoke  proposed  in  this 
treaty,  which  seems  to  be  inspired  by  the  English 
policy.  The  convulsion  of  the  nation  would  aug- 
ment its  energy  and  its  forces  fourfold.  I  shall  never 
cede  Antwerp  and  Belgium.  ...  If  Your  Majesty 
persists  in  abandoning  his  proper  interests  for  the 
policy  of  England  or  the  resentment  of  Russia,  and 
will  only  lay  down  arms  on  the  frightful  conditions 
proposed  at  the  Congress,  the  genius  of  France  and 
Providence  will  be  on  our  side.  The  Emperor  Alex- 
ander's thirst  for  vengeance  has  no  good  ground.  I 
offered  him  peace  before  entering  Moscow ;  at  Mos- 
cow, I  did  my  best  to  extinguish  the  fire  started  by 
his   orders.     Besides,   in    Paris    two    hundred   thou- 


THE  SECOND  FORTNIGHT  OF  FEBRUARY.       31 

sand  men  are  under  arms;  they  have  learned  by 
the  actions  of  the  Russians,  the  emptiness  of  their 
promises ;  they  know  what  fate  they  would  have  to 
expect.  I  ask  Your  Majesty  to  avoid  the  risks  of 
battle.  I  ask  peace,  a  prompt  peace,  based  on 
the  proclamation  which  Prince  Schwarzenberg  pub- 
lished as  the  Declaration  of  the  Allied  Powers,  in- 
serted in  the  Frankfort  Journal,  the  bases  that  I  have 
accepted,  and  accept  again,  although  the  position  of 
the  Allies  is  very  different  from  what  it  was  then, 
and  now  any  impartial  man  will  agree  that  the 
chances  are  on  my  side." 

This  really  eloquent  letter,  breathing  a  combina- 
tion of  pain  and  pride,  closes  with  a  pathetic  appeal 
to  the  heart  of  the  father  of  Marie  Louise,  the  grand- 
father of  the  King  of  Rome.  The  Emperor  does  not 
mention  his  wife  or  his  son  by  name;  yet  they 
appear  as  if  they  were  carrying  an  olive  branch.  It 
was  not  family  feeling  alone  that  was  invoked. 
Napoleon  reminded  the  ruler  of  Austria  that  he  was 
head  of  the  house  of  Lorraine,  that  his  blood  was 
French  blood.  This  is  the  end  of  the  letter,  which 
deeply  moved  Emperor  Francis  and  nearly  saved 
France  :  "  May  I  be  allowed  to  say  to  Your  Majesty 
that  in  spite  of  all  you  have  done  against  me  since 
the  invasion  of  my  territory,  and  the  faint  memory 
you  preserve  of  the  ties  that  unite  us,  and  of  the  rela- 
tions which  our  states  are  called  upon  to  maintain 
for  their  common  interest,  my  feelings  are  unchanged, 
and  I  cannot  observe  with  indifference  that  if  you 

cnjv'ersits 


32  THE  INVASION   OF  1814. 

refuse  peace,  this  refusal  will  bring  misery  to  your  life 
and  many  evils  to  all,  while  a  single  word  of  yours  can 
put  an  end  to  everything,  bring  about  a  reconciliation, 
and  restore  to  the  world,  and  especially  to  Europe, 
lasting  tranquillity.  If  I  could  have  been  cowardly 
enough  to  accept  the  conditions  of  the  English  and 
Russian  ministers,  you  ought  to  have  dissuaded  me, 
because  you  knew  that  nothing  that  disgraces  thirty 
millions  of  men  can  be  durable.  Your  Majesty  can 
put  an  end  to  this  war  by  a  single  word,  can  assure 
the  happiness  of  his  own  people  and  of  Europe, 
secure  himself  against  the  fickleness  of  fortune,  and 
terminate  the  evils  of  a  nation,  the  prey  not  of 
ordinary  sufferings,  but  of  the  crimes  of  the  Tartars 
of  the  desert,  who  scarcely  deserve  to  be  called  men. 
I  take  it  for  granted  that  Your  Majesty  has  not  to  ask 
me  why  I  write  to  him.  I  cannot  address  the  English, 
whose  policy  it  is  to  destroy  my  navy,  or  to  the 
Emperor  Alexander,  since  passion  and  revenge  in- 
spire all  his  feelings.  Hence,  I  can  write  to  Your 
Majesty  alone,  my  recent  ally,  who,  by  the  strength 
of  his  army  and  the  extent  of  his  empire,  is  regarded 
as  the  leading  force  of  the  Coalition  ;  in  short,  to 
Your  Majesty,  who,  whatever  his  feelings  at  the 
moment,  has  French  blood  flowing  in  his  veins." 

Napoleon  was  untiring.  His  pen  was  as  active  as 
his  sword.  No  detail  escaped  his  vigilance.  He 
was  everywhere,  seeing  to  everything  at  once.  The 
very  day  he  wrote  to  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  he 
sent  this  letter  to  Joseph :  — 


THE  SECOND  FORTNIGHT  OF  FEBRUARY.      33 

" My  Brother:  You  ought  to  have  no  anxiety 
about  Orleans  and  Montargis.  The  movement  I  am 
making  will  attract  the  enemy  very  speedily,  and 
their  corps  will  be  glad  to  fall  back  promptly.  I 
think  it  would  be  well  for  the  Regent  to  write  to  the 
city  of  Orleans  in  some  such  way  as  this :  '  I  learn 
that  the  city  of  Orleans  is  threatened  by  fifteen 
hundred  scouts  of  the  enemy's  army.  What!  the 
city  of  Orleans,  with  forty  thousand  inhabitants,  is 
afraid  of  fifteen  hundred  cavalry !  Where  is  the 
French  energy  ?  Form  your  National  Guard,  organ- 
ize a  company  of  artillery,  take  from  your  stables  the 
necessary  horses.  I  give  orders  to  the  Minister  of  War 
to  supply  you  with  twelve  cannon  and  five  howitzers 
for  the  defence  of  your  city  and  property.  The 
enemy  who  threatens  us  is  implacable  ;  he  ravages 
our  countryside  and  sacks  our  cities ;  he  has  not 
kept  a  single  one  of  his  promises.  To  arms,  then, 
inhabitants  of  Orleans,  and  confirm  by  your  actions 
the  opinion  I  have  formed  of  you  and  of  the  French 
nation ! '  A  number  of  such  letters,  signed  by  the 
Empress,  would  have  more  effect  than  signed  by  me. 
...  I  think  that  the  Empress  might  write  to  Lille, 
Valenciennes,  Cambrai,  and  other  large  towns  near 
the  northern  frontier  in  similar  terms,  modifying  the 
language  according  to  the  zeal  these  towns  have  shown 
in  recent  events.  It  would  be  well  for  the  Empress 
to  write  them  all  with  her  own  hand.  I  think,  too, 
that  a  proclamation  to  Belgium,  from  the  Empress  as 
Regent,  would  be  of  use.    This  proclamation  might  be 


34  THE  INVASION   OF  1SU. 

put  into  the  form  of  a  letter  to  the  mayor  of  Brussels, 
the  mayor  of  Ghent,  of  Bruges,  of  Mons,  etc.  The 
Empress  might  make  mention  of  the  successes  I  have 
had,  of  the  desire  of  the  English  to  detach  them  from 
France  and  to  bring  them  under  the  yoke  of  a  prince 
who  has  always  been  hostile  to  their  country  and  their 
religion ;  soon  the  enemy  will  be  convinced  that  no 
peace  will  be  signed  in  which  the  Allies  do  not 
guarantee  France  the  integrity  of  its  natural  boun- 
daries. These  letters  might  be  expressed  differently 
to  make  them  seem  like  different  proclamations." 

Napoleon  made  superhuman  exertions  to  arouse 
the  patriotism  of  the  French,  but  he  had  to  deal  with 
a  country  so  exhausted  and  discouraged  that  his 
heroism  and  that  of  the  army  were  powerless.  Joseph 
wrote  to  his  brother  February  22  :  "  The  feeling  at 
Toulouse  and  Bordeaux  is  very  bad,  and  a  Bourbon 
would  be  received  if  he  should  present  himself.  .  .  . 
I  suppose  that  we  are  on  the  eve  of  a  battle.  What- 
ever may  be  the  result,  the  present  state  of  things 
cannot  last.  The  administration  is  everywhere  fall- 
ing into  decay,  money  is  lacking,  and  the  system  of 
making  requisitions  is  finally  deadening  all  zeal  and 
isolating  the  government.  However  harsh  these  facts 
are,  since  Your  Majesty  cannot  hear  them  from  the 
lips  of  his  Ministers,  I  do  not  hesitate  to  assume  the 
painful  task  of  uttering  them." 

As  to  the  National  Guard  of  Paris,  it  would  have 
been  a  great  mistake  to  place  any  dependence  upon 
it.     King  Joseph  in  the  same  letter  spoke  about  it  in 


THE  SECOND  FORTNIGHT  OF  FEBRUARY.      35 

this  way :  "  The  National  Guard,  in  its  present  con- 
dition, is  a  security  against  anarchy ;  it  means  well ; 
it  has  been  aroused  by  hearing  of  the  miracles  Your 
Majesty  has  wrought  in  a  few  days ;  it  is  anxious  for 
a  peace  that  shall  bring  you  back  to  your  capital,  and 
is  inclined  to  love  as  well  as  to  admiration.  This 
feeling  is  shared  by  the  whole  city,  but  to  say  more, 
Sire,  would  be  false  and  would  mislead  Your  Majesty. 
This  city  of  Paris,  so  hostile  to  the  government  a 
month  ago,  so  touched  by  Your  Majesty's  confidence 
as  shown  by  your  entrusting  to  it  your  wife  and  son, 
so  encouraged  and  amazed  by  Your  Majesty's  successes, 
nevertheless  is  not  in  a  state  from  which  it  is  possible 
to  expect  fidelity  or  obedience.  It  has  admired  your 
genius ;  but  it  can  only  be  moved  to  enthusiasm  by 
the  hope  of  a  speedy  peace,  and  is  not  at  all  dis- 
posed to  undertake  any  serious  defence  against  a 
single  army  corps,  or  to  send  outside  of  the  city  any 
detachments  of  the  National  Guard.  That,  Sire,  is 
the  exact  truth.  Your  Majesty  must  not  count  on 
any  effort  beyond  what  may  be  expected  from  a  pop- 
ulace thus  disposed." 

So  far  from  losing  heart,  Napoleon  became  more 
confident  every  day.  He  hoped  that  the  general 
uprising  of  the  frontier  provinces,  the  sorties  of  the 
garrisons,  Augereau's  attack  on  the  rear  of  the  Aus- 
trian army,  would  turn  the  Allies'  retreat  beyond  the 
Rhine  into  a  hopeless  rout.  In  his  delight  at  seeing 
them  retreat  before  him  in  the  direction  of  Troyes, 
he  felt  all  his  pride  return  when  in  the  morning  of 


36  THE  INVASION   OF  18 U. 

February  23,  within  the  four  bare  walls  of  the  hovel 
of  a  wheelwright  of  the  village  of  Chatre,  where  he 
had  passed  the  night,  he  received  the  visit  of  Prince 
Wentzel  Lichtenstein,  an  aide-de-camp  of  Prince 
Schwarzenberg,  who  brought  him  propositions  for  an 
armistice. 

The  language  of  the  Austrian  envoy  was  not  merely 
peaceful ;  it  expressed  a  deference  and  an  admiration 
which  highly  flattered  the  Emperor.  Then  he  said  to 
the  aide-de-camp  of  Prince  Schwarzenberg :  "  So  the 
favorite  plan  of  England  has  prevailed  in  the  counsels 
of  the  Coalition.  Their  war  has  become  a  personal 
one.  It  was  decidedly  against  my  dynasty  that  it 
was  aimed."  Prince  Lichtenstein  having  protested 
against  this  supposition,  Napoleon  spoke  to  him  of 
the  connivance  of  the  Allies  with  the  intrigues  of  the 
Duke  of  Angouleme,  of  the  Duke  of  Berry,  of  Count 
d'Artois,  and  showed  some  surprise  at  seeing  the 
Emperor  of  Austria  working  to  dethrone  his  own 
daughter.  At  this  the  Prince  exclaimed :  u  Such  an 
intention  would  be  unnatural.  My  august  sovereign, 
the  Emperor,  would  never  lend  himself  to  it.  As  to 
the  presence  of  the  Bourbons,  it  is  to  be  regarded  as 
a  means  of  war,  to  secure  a  peace  which  my  mission 
proves  is  desired." 

This  answer  rilled  Napoleon  with  joy,  and  he  prom- 
ised that  an  armistice  should  be  arranged.  He  fan- 
cied that  he  had  returned  to  the  grand  days  of  his 
power  and  glory.  After  Prince  Lichtenstein  had  gone 
he  was  overheard  exclaiming  in  an  outburst  of  pride : 


THE  SECOND  FORTNIGHT  OF  FEBRUARY.       37 

"  The  Allies  will  repent  their  insolence.  They  will 
see  that  I  am  nearer  their  capitals  than  they  are  to 
mine.  Yes,  we  are  nearer  Munich  than  they  are  to 
Paris."  The  next  day,  February  24,  he  entered 
Troyes,  which  the  enemy  had  just  evacuated ;  a  flag 
of  truce  brought  him  word  that  Lusigny,  near  Van- 
doeuvres,  had  been  chosen  for  the  negotiation  of  the 
armistice.  In  his  talk  with  the  messenger  he  said 
loudly  :  "I  am  nearer  Vienna  than  you  are  to  Paris." 

The  Moniteur  gave  an  account  of  the  Emperor's 
entrance  into  the  capital  of  Champagne :  "  It  is  im- 
possible to  form  an  idea  of  the  annoyances  to  which 
the  inhabitants  have  been  exposed  during  the  seven- 
teen days  that  the  enemy  have  occupied  the  city. 
It  would  also  be  hard  to  describe  the  enthusiasm  and 
eagerness  they  displayed  over  the  arrival  of  the  Em- 
peror. A  mother  who  sees  her  children  saved  from 
death,  slaves  who  see  their  chains  broken  after  the 
crudest  captivity,  know  no  keener  joy  than  that  shown 
by  the  people  of  Troyes.  Their  conduct  has  been 
honorable  and  praiseworthy.  The  theatre  was  open 
every  evening,  but  not  a  man,  or  a  woman,  of  even 
the  lower  classes,  was  willing  to  be  present.  The 
whole  populace  is  eager  to  march." 

Intoxicated  by  his  success,  Napoleon  wrote  to 
Joseph  this  letter  overflowing  with  pride :  — 

"My  Brother:  I  am  at  Troyes.  The  enemy's 
army  pursues  me  with  flags  of  truce,  asking  for  a  sus- 
pension of  hostilities.  ...  I  have  had  many  cavalry 
skirmishes.     I  have  captured  two  thousand  prisoners 


38  THE  INVASION   OF  1814. 

and  cannon.  I  am  writing  to  the  Empress  to  have 
thirty  guns  fired,  both  for  these  minor  affairs  and  for 
the  deliverance  of  the  capital  of  Champagne.  .  .  . 
If  I  had  had  twenty  skiffs  to  cross  the  Seine  when  I 
wanted,  there  would  have  been  no  Austrian  army 
left.  However,  there  is  great  terror  in  the  enemy's 
ranks.  A  few  days  ago  they  thought  I  had  no 
army;  now  there  is  no  limit  to  what  they  imagine: 
three  or  four  hundred  thousand  men  are  not  enough. 
Formerly  they  thought  I  had  no  reserves ;  now  they 
say  I  have  massed  all  my  veterans  and  face  them 
only  with  picked  troops.  That  is  what  fear  does.  It 
is  important  that  the  Paris  newspapers  should  con- 
firm this  alarm.  The  Minister  of  the  Interior  is  a 
poltroon ;  he  has  a  foolish  idea  of  men.  Neither  he 
nor  the  Minister  of  Police  has  any  more  idea  of 
France  than  I  have  of  China.  .  .  .  The  enemy  has 
committed  so  many  atrocities  that  France  will  be 
indignant.  Here,  on  the  spot,  the  most  moderate 
cannot  speak  of  them  calmly.  If  the  French  were 
as  despicable  as  the  Ministry  of  the  Interior  seems  to 
think,  I  should  myself  blush  to  be  a  Frenchman." 

General  de  Segur,  the  historian  of  this  drama  of 
the  invasion,  in  which  he  took  a  part,  says  that  at 
this  moment  fortune  hung  on  a  single  thread ;  a  little 
more  and  the  Coalition  would  have  fallen  by  its  own 
weight,  and  France  would  have  been  saved.  Na- 
poleon's frequent  blows  upon  the  Marne,  his  reappear- 
ance on  the  banks  of  the  Seine,  the  massing  of  an 
army  at  Lyons,  seemed  to  make  the  enemy  lose  their 


THE  SECOND  FORTNIGHT  OF  FEBRUARY.       39 

head.  General  de  Se'gur  adds :  "  Pozzo  di  Borgo, 
the  bitterest  of  Napoleon's  personal  enemies,  the 
Corsican  who  turned  Russian,  whose  hate  had  most 
encouraged  the  Allies  to  push  on  the  war  to  the  end, 
has  often  affirmed  this  to  us.  How  often  has  he 
described  to  us  all  the  invective  which  succeeded 
the  high  consideration  he  had  acquired  by  the  suc- 
cess of  his  advice  !  With  the  exception  of  the  Prus- 
sians, the  enemy's  staffs,  in  their  alarm  at  finding 
themselves  so  far  in  France,  imagined  that  they  were 
caught  in  a  snare.  This  minister  had  become  the 
object  of  universal  reprobation.  Emperor  Alexander 
told  him  that  they  had  done  enough ;  that  a  victori- 
ous march  from  Moscow  to  the  banks  of  the  Seine 
was  sufficient;  that  they  should  not  expose  their 
advantages  to  a  second  day  of  Marengo;  that  evi- 
dently Napoleon  was  growing  stronger  with  the  aid 
of  France.  Were  they  not  finding  in  him  once  more 
the  general  of  the  Army  of  Italy?"  The  alarm- 
ists in  the  allied  camp  said  that  their  retreat  would 
be  a  repetition  of  the  retreat  from  Russia,  and  all 
that  Napoleon  heard  about  their  panic  filled  him 
with  one  of  the  greatest  joys  he  had  ever  known. 

In  Paris,  Sunday,  February  27,  the  flags  which 
had  recently  been  captured  by  the  Emperor,  were 
formally  presented  to  the  Empress  Regent.  They 
were  borne  by  two  officers  of  the  Imperial  Guard, 
four  officers  of  troops  of  the  line,  and  four  officers  of 
the  National  Guard,  who  started  from  the  Ministry 
of   War   and   proceeded   with   the   Ministers  to  the 


40  THE  INVASION   OF  18 14. 

Tuileries,  with  a  band  in  front  and  an  escort  follow- 
ing. The  Minister  of  War  said  to  Marie  Louise: 
"  Madame :  When  the  Saracens  were  defeated  by 
Charles  Martel  in  the  plains  of  Tours  and  Poitiers, 
the  capital  was  decked  with  the  spoils  of  but  a  single 
nation.  To-day,  when  dangers  no  less  serious  than 
those  then  threatening  France  have  produced  more 
important  and  more  difficult  successes,  your  august 
spouse  presents  to  you  these  banners  captured  from 
the  three  great  powers  of  Europe.  Since  a  blind 
hate  has  stirred  up  against  us  so  many  nations,  even 
those  to  whom  France  had  restored  their  indepen- 
dence, for  which  she  has  made  great  sacrifices,  may 
it  not  be  said  that  these  flags  are  captured  from  all 
Europe  ?  .  .  .  These  pledges  of  French  valor  are  for 
us  the  tokens  of  new  and  still  greater  successes,  if 
the  enemy's  obstinacy  prolongs  the  war.  This  noble 
hope  fills  the  heart  of  every  Frenchman.  You  share 
it,  Madame,  you  who,  ever  trusting  in  your  august 
husband's  genius,  in  the  love  and  energy  of  the  nation, 
have  continued  to  show,  in  all  the  circumstances  of 
this  war,  a  firmness  of  soul  and  virtues  worthy  of  the 
admiration  of  Europe  and  of  posterity." 

Marie  Louise  replied :  "  Duke  of  Feltre,  Minister 
of  War :  It  is  with  keen  emotion  that  I  see  these 
trophies  which  you  present  to  me  in  obedience  to 
the  orders  of  the  Emperor,  my  august  spouse.  To 
my  eyes  they  are  the  pledges  of  the  safety  of  the 
country.  At  the  sight  of  them  may  all  the  French 
rise  in  arms  !     May  they  throng  about  their  monarch 


THE  SECOND   FORTNIGHT  OF  FEBRUARY.       41 

and  their  father !  Their  courage,  led  by  his  genius, 
will  soon  have  accomplished  the  deliverance  of  our 
territory." 

At  the  end  of  the  audience,  the  fourteen  flags  — 
one  Austrian,  four  Prussian,  and  nine  Russian  —  were 
carried  with  great  pomp  to  the  Invalides.  Cavalry 
rode  at  the  head  and  at  the  end  of  the  procession. 

At  this  moment  Marie  Louise  felt  hope  revive. 
She  could  not  imagine  that  she  would  be  abandoned 
by  her  father,  and  fancied  that  her  anxieties  would 
soon  be  over.  The  evening  before,  she  had  written 
to  Emperor  Francis  a  really  touching  letter  from 
which  she  expected  the  best  results.  In  it  she  said : 
"  It  is  not  good  policy  to  force  a  disgraceful  peace  upon 
us,  for  it  cannot  last.  Imagine,  dear  father,  in  what 
a  state  I  am.  For  me  it  would  be  a  blow  I  could  not 
survive.  Hence  I  beseech  you,  dear  father,  to  re- 
member me  and  my  son.  You  know  how  much  I 
love  you,  and  how  much  I  flatter  myself  that  I  enjoy 
your  fatherly  affection."  The  Empress  went  on  to 
say  that  the  condition  of  affairs  and  her  husband's 
absence  were  affecting  her  health.  "It  depends  on 
you,"  she  closed,  "to  put  an  end  to  my  anxiety. 
You  will  do  this,  won't  you  ?  " 

Marie  Louise  saw  about  her  less  gloomy  faces  than 
a  few  days  before.  The  courtiers,  who  had  kept  aloof, 
began  to  reappear,  and  to  speak  with  enthusiasm  of 
the  Emperor's  genius.  They  said  that  the  dynasty 
was  unattackable,  and  that  it  would  have  been  a  dis- 
grace to  accept  the  boundaries  of  1792 ;  that  they  were 


42  THE  INVASION   OF  18 14. 

going  to  have  the  natural  boundaries,  that  the  request 
for  armistice  was  a  sign  of  an  early  peace,  which 
would  be  as  honorable  for  France  as  for  its  glorious 
ruler.  The  Empress  gladly  listened  to  these  flatter- 
ing words,  and  at  the  end  of  February  there  prevailed 
at  the  Tuileries  a  feeling  of  tranquillity  which  was, 
alas !  to  be  of  but  brief  duration. 

Bliicher,  that  obstinate  and  implacable  enemy,  was 
about  to  change  the  face  of  things.  While  the  bulk 
of  the  French  army  was  massed  about  Troyes,  think- 
ing of  the  armistice  and  the  peace,  the  Prussian 
troops  were  rapidly  advancing  on  both  banks  of  the 
Marne  in  the  direction  of  Paris.  Napoleon  received 
word  of  this  in  the  night  of  February  26.  The  morn- 
ing of  the  27th  he  suddenly  started  from  Troyes  to 
pursue  the  Prussian  army  through  Arcis-sur-Aube 
and  Suzanne.  The  evening  of  that  day  he  took  up 
his  quarters  at  Herbisse,  in  the  house  of  a  simple 
country  priest.  The  officers  spent  the  night  on 
chairs,  tables,  or  straw.  In  spite  of  the  serious  con- 
dition of  things  they  preserved  all  their  jollity,  in  the 
hope  that  this  new  march  on  the  flank  of  the  Prussian 
army  would  be  as  fruitful  as  the  other. 

The  situation,  however,  at  once  complicated  itself 
most  seriously.  The  Austrians  had  suddenly  resumed 
the  offensive  at  the  very  moment  when  Napoleon  left 
Troyes.  It  was  expected  that  they  would  be  pur- 
sued to  the  Rhine,  and  they  were  rallying  between 
Langres  and  Bar.  Marshal  Augereau  could  no  longer 
make  the  diversion  on  the  Sa6ne.     Bliicher 's  army, 


THE  SECOND  FORTNIGHT  OF  FEBRUARY.       43 

threatening  Paris,  was  already  at  the  gates  of  Meaux, 
and  in  front  of  it  there  were  only  the  insufficient 
forces  of  Marmont  and  Mortier.  Nevertheless,  the 
Emperor  was  not  disturbed;  at  first  he  had  hopes  of 
ridding  himself  of  Bliicher  after  he  had  made  a  junc- 
tion with  the  two  marshals,  then  to  return  on  the 
Seine  soon  enough  to  stop  the  Austrians  and  save 
Troyes.  His  troops,  exhausted  by  fatigue,  but  yet 
full  of  ardor,  advanced  by  forced  marches  on  Ferte*- 
sous-Jouarre.  It  was  the  end  of  February.  Events 
were  crowding  on  one  another ;  every  one  felt  that  the 
end  of  the  drama  was  not  far  off. 


IV. 


THE  FIRST  FORTNIGHT   OF  MARCH. 

THE  first  fortnight  of  March  was  for  Napoleon  a 
period  of  anguish  even  more  terrible  than  the 
previous  weeks.  After  profiting  so  long  by  what  he 
called  his  star,  he  found  himself  face  to  face  with  an 
evil  fate  which  paralyzed  every  effort  of  his  genius. 
An  absolutely  unexpected  accident  —  the  capitula- 
tion of  Soissons  —  suddenly  overthrew  his  profound- 
est  combinations  and  swept  all  his  pieces  from  the 
board.  Nevertheless,  hoping  against  hope,  he  contin- 
ued the  struggle,  facing  misfortune  with  an  energy 
hardly  equalled  in  history.  His  pride,  far  from  dimin- 
ishing, only  became  greater.  The  darker  fortune 
became,  the  more  he  yearned  to  control  it.  He  tried 
to  inspire,  not  pity,  but  fear.  He  wrote  to  his  minis- 
ters and  spoke  to  his  generals  in  the  old  imperious 
tone  which  had  marked  the  days  of  his  greatest 
power.  In  his  presence  no  one  dared  to  utter  a 
murmur,  for  his  personal  ascendancy  was  still  irresisti- 
ble ;  but  behind  his  back  there  was  much  denuncia- 
tion of  his  boundless  ambition,  the  main  cause  of  the 
woes  of  France.     The  feeling  of  the  army  continued 

44 


HIE  FIRST  FORTNIGHT  OF  MARCH.  45 

admirable,  but  in  Paris  the  discouragement  was  pro- 
found. There  anything  seemed  preferable  to  war, 
and  even  in  official  circles  nothing  was  demanded  but 
an  immediate  cessation  of  hostilities,  even  with  the 
loss  of  the  natural  frontiers,  the  glorious  conquest  of 
the  Republic.  The  great  nation,  always  accustomed 
to  attacking,  could  not  reconcile  itself  to  the  idea  of 
defence.  It  was  timidly  whispered  that  in  spite  of 
all  the  optimistic  announcements  and  the  many  bul- 
letins of  victories,  the  enemy  was  only  a  few  leagues 
from  the  capital,  and  the  great  majority  of  Parisians 
felt  none  of  the  ardor  and  fanaticism  of  the  defenders 
of  Saragossa  or  of  those  who  burned  Moscow.  Marie 
Louise  felt  isolated,  shorn  of  support,  deprived  of 
counsellors,  and  more  like  a  victim  than  a  sovereign. 
King  Joseph  appeared  more  terrified  than  ever;  no 
one  in  the  Empress's  court  spoke  a  word  of  encour- 
agement. The  faint  gleam  of  hope  which  for  a 
moment  lit  up  the  situation  vanished  at  once.  The 
courtiers,  who  had  worn  a  cheerful  face  for  two  or 
three  days,  were  again  plunged  in  gloom,  and  every 
one  at  the  Tuileries  was  oppressed  by  a  presentiment 
of  the  impending  catastrophe. 

Nevertheless,  at  the  beginning  of  March  Napoleon 
was  still  full  of  hope.  In  the  night  of  the  2d  his 
troops,  full  of  ardor,  effected  the  crossing  of  the 
Marne.  Blucher's  soldiers,  with  the  Aisne  before 
them,  the  Marne  in  their  rear,  threatened  on  the 
left  by  the  troops  of  the  Duke  of  Treviso  and  the 
Duke  of  Ragusa,  on  the  right  by  Napoleon's  army, 


46  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

imagined  that  all  was  lost,  but  at  the  very  moment 
when  they  were  about  to  be  driven  back  on  Soissons 
and  doubtless  compelled  to  lay  down  their  arms 
under  the  walls  of  this  city,  an  unexpected  piece  of 
good  fortune  saved  them.  Soissons,  which,  although 
occupied  by  a  garrison  of  but  one  thousand  men, 
could  have  held  out  twenty-four  hours  longer  and  so 
have  given  Napoleon  time  to  arrive,  was  surrendered 
March  3  by  its  commander,  General  Moreau,  who 
was  in  no  way  related  to  the  other  great  general  of 
the  same  name.  Biilow  and  Wintzengerode,  coming, 
one  from  Belgium,  the  other  from  Luxembourg,  joined 
Bliicher,  raising  his  army  from  fifty  thousand  to  a 
hundred  and  ten  thousand  men,  and  Soissons,  instead 
of  being  his  ruin,  was  his  salvation. 

Napoleon  was  at  Fismes,  March  4,  when  he  heard 
the  fatal  news.  He  exclaimed  in  anguish:  "I  had 
that  madman  of  a  Bliicher  in  the  arms  of  the  Aisne, 
and  now  they  have  surrendered  Soissons  and  given 
him  the  bridge  without  blowing  it  up!  It's  that 
wretched  Moreau  who  has  ruined  us !  That  name 
is  fatal  to  France."  Hubert,  one  of  the  Emperor's 
valets,  said :  "  From  that  day  my  master's  face  con- 
tinually wore  a  look  of  melancholy,  even  of  unhappi- 
ness.  I  looked  in  vain  for  that  kind  and  amiable 
smile  which  formerly  lent  his  often  terrible  expres- 
sion a  touching  grace,  which  one  remembered  as  if  it 
were  a  kindness  or  a  most  pleasing  reward.  From 
that  time  his  smile  was  forced  and  painful ;  his  voice, 
his  every  action,  was  marked  with  sadness." 


THE  FIRST  FORTNIGHT  OF  MARCH.  47 

The  day  that  the  Emperor  learned  of  the  surrender 
of  Soissons,  which  upset  all  his  plans,  Marie  Louise 
was  presiding  at  the  Tuileries  over  an  extraordinary 
council  charged  with  the  examination  of  the  condi- 
tions of  peace  proposed  by  the  Allies  at  the  Congress 
of  Chatillon.  These  conditions  comprised  the  resto- 
ration of  the  old  boundaries  to  France,  and,  with  one 
exception,  all  the  members  of  the  council  agreed  to 
accept  them.  "  Rigorous  as  the  treaty  was,"  says  the 
Duke  of  Rovigo,  "  it  preserved  in  France  the  estab- 
lished government,  and  maintained  the  existence  of 
the  Emperor  and  his  family.  England  recognized  the 
new  dynasty,  —  an  advantage  which  none  of  the  pre- 
vious negotiations  had  accorded  to  Napoleon.  There 
was  no  question  of  the  Bourbons,  who  appeared  to 
have  been  abandoned.  This  was  a  great  thing  for 
the  Emperor,  who  thereby  found  himself  better  treated 
than  even  France." 

What  the  Ministers  and  high  dignitaries  most 
desired  was  to  preserve  their  own  places;  hence  all 
agreed  in  condemning  a  resistance  which  seemed 
hopeless.  The  very  day  when  this  council  was  held 
with  the  Empress  presiding,  Joseph  wrote  to  his 
brother :  "  It  is  generally  agreed  that  it  is  better  to 
accept  the  boundaries  as  they  were  in  1792,  than  to 
expose  the  capital.  The  occupation  of  the  capital,  it 
is  thought,  would  be  the  end  of  the  existing  order, 
and  the  beginning  of  great  misfortunes.  Allied 
Europe  wishes  to  reduce  France  to  what  it  was  in 
1792;  this  may  well  be  the  basis  of  a  treaty  com- 


48  THE  INVASION   OF  18 U. 

manded  by  circumstances,  but  let  the  territory  be 
evacuated  at  once.  In  short,  a  speedy  peace,  of  any 
sort,  is  indispensable.  It  will  be  a  two  or  three  years' 
truce,  but,  good  or  bad,  we  must  have  peace.  .  .  . 
The  natural  boundaries  would  be  a  real  benefit  for 
France  and  for  Europe ;  they  would  give  hope  of  a 
long  peace,  but  no  one  is  held  by  an  impossibility. 
...  So  make  a  truce  in  petto,  since  the  injustice  of 
the  enemy  does  not  allow  a  just  peace,  and  the  state 
of  feeling  and  of  affairs  permits  no  hope  that  France 
will  make  efforts  proportionate  to  the  object  to  be 
aimed  at.  Your  letter,  to  the  Emperor  of  Austria  is 
thought  to  be  noble  and  reasonable.  You  will  stay 
in  France  ;  France  will  remain  what  she  was  when  it 
astounded  Europe ;  and  you  who  saved  it  once  will 
save  it  again,  by  signing  this  peace,  and  save  yourself 
as  well.  Be  recognized  by  England ;  deliver  France 
from  the  Cossacks  and  the  Prussians,  and  some  day 
France  will  make  up  to  you  in  blessings  what  super- 
ficial people  will  imagine  that  you  have  lost  in  glory.'* 
Napoleon,  above  all  things  a  warrior,  had  a  horror 
of  a  peace  which  seemed  to  him  disgraceful.  Even 
after  the  surrender  of  Soissons,  he  hoped  to  possess 
the  natural  frontiers  of  France.  The  enormous 
numerical  superiority  of  Bliicher's  forces  did  not 
prevent  his  pursuing  the  Prussians  and  the  Rus- 
sians beyond  the  Aisne,  and  March  7  he  fought  the 
bloody  battle  of  Craonne.  Here  the  French  had  to 
take  by  assault  a  lofty  plateau,  defended  by  fifty 
thousand  men  and  a  full  supply  of  artillery,  while 


THE  FIUST  F0UTN1GBT  OF  MARCB.  49 


the  attacking  force  consisted  of  but  thirty  thousand, 
with  insufficient  artillery.  The  enemy  withdrew  in 
good  order  towards  Laon  and  prepared  for  a  second 
battle.  Napoleon  followed  them.  To  the  hundred 
thousand  experienced  troops  of  his  adversary  he 
could  oppose  only  thirty  thousand,  young,  sick,  and 
ill-equipped.  These  boys,  these  creatures  of  a  day, 
as  General  de  Se*gur  called  them,  who  had  joined  one 
evening  to  be  sacrificed  on  the  morrow,  could  scarcely 
be  styled  soldiers.  One  day  General  Drouot,  seeing 
them  so  young,  so  frail,  half-clad,  ill-trained,  fighting 
one  against  four,  said  emphatically,  that  it  was  "a 
repetition  of  the  slaughter  of  the  innocents." 

Nevertheless,  Napoleon  continued  the  struggle 
with  a  sort  of  fury.  At  Laon  he  fought  a  second 
and  terrible  battle,  which  continued  for  two  days, 
the  9th  and  10th  of  March,  but  in  spite  of  his  heroic 
exertions,  he  was  compelled  to  retreat  on  Soissons, 
which  he  entered  on  the  12th  in  profound  dejection. 

Joseph  had  written  to  him,  March  9 :  "  After  the 
new  victory  you  have  gained  [that  of  Craonne]  you 
can  sign  with  glory  peace  with  the  former  boun- 
daries. This  peace  will  restore  France  to  itself  after 
the  long  conflict  which  begun  in  1792,  and  will  con- 
tain nothing  to  its  dishonor,  since  it  will  have  lost 
none  of  its  old  territory,  and  will  have  made  the 
interior  changes  it  desired.  As  for  you,  Sire,  so  often 
victorious,  I  am  convinced  that  you  have  within  you 
all  that  is  necessary  to  make  the  French  forget,  or 
rather  to  remember,  what  was  best  in  the  govern- 


50  THE  INVASION   OF  1814. 

ment  of  Louis  XII.,  Henri  IV.,  and  Louis  XIV.,  if 
you  make  a  firm  peace  with  Europe,  and  follow 
the  natural  instincts  of  your  kind  character,  renounc- 
ing what  is  factitious  and  consenting  to  live  as  a 
great  king  after  flourishing  as  a  great  man.  When 
you  have  saved  France  from  anarchy  and  from  the 
coalition  of  all  Europe,  you  will  become  the  father 
of  your  people,  and  will  be  adored  as  much  as  Louis 
XIL,  after  having  been  more  adored  than  Henri  IV. 
and  Louis  XIV.;  and  to  secure  so  many  kinds  of 
glory,  you  have  only  to  wish  your  own  happiness  and 
that  of  France." 

Joseph's  wise  and  fraternal  counsel  appeared  to 
Napoleon  like  satirical  reprimand.  Having  always 
chosen  to  inspire  fear  rather  than  love,  he  hated  to 
think  that  after  having  been  the  greatest  of  conquer- 
ors, he  could  henceforth  be  only  a  kindly  monarch, 
a  simple  father  of  his  people.  He  distrusted  his 
brother,  as  he  did  every  one,  and  regarded  him  as  a 
petty  creature  void  of  courage,  —  indeed,  he  doubted 
the  disinterestedness  of  his  advice.  There  had  been 
imprudent  talk  in  the  suite  of  the  former  King  of 
Spain.  Men  who  had  never  seen  a  battle-field  said 
of  the  Emperor :  "  He  is  a  madman ;  he  will  have  us 
all  killed."  It  was  even  insinuated  that  a  new 
regency  would  have  to  be  formed,  with  Joseph  at  the 
head,  because  he  was  a  pacific  and  moderate  Prince 
with  whom  Europe  would  treat  more  willingly  than 
with  Napoleon.  The  echo  of  many  of  their  words 
reached  Napoleon's  ears,  and  the  wounded  but  always 


THE  FIRST  FORTNIGHT  OF  MARCH.  51 

terrible  lion  rose  in  his  might.  This  Jupiter  Tonans 
was,  perhaps,  haughtier  even  than  at  the  time  when 
his  slightest  frown  sent  a  shudder  through  the  Olym- 
pus of  emperors  and  kings. 

He  would  not  even  admit  the  idea  that  he  might 
have  need  of  his  wife  to  escape  from  the  dangers 
against  which  he  was  struggling.  He  wrote  to 
Joseph  from  Soissons,  March  12,  1814:  "I  am 
sorry  to  see  that  you  have  been  talking  to  my 
wife  about  the  Bourbons  and  the  opposition  the 
Emperor  of  Austria  might  make  to  them.  I  beg 
of  you  to  avoid  these  conversations.  I  do  not  wish 
to  be  protected  by  my  wife;  this  idea  would  spoil 
her,  and  divide  us.  What  is  the  use  of  such  talk  ? 
Let  her  lead  her  own  life ;  speak  to  her  only  about 
what  she  must  know  in  order  to  affix  her  signature  ; 
and  above  all,  avoid  everything  that  could  make  her 
think  I  desire  to  be  protected  by  her  or  her  father. 
Not  once  for  four  years  has  the  word  Bourbon  or 
Austria  crossed  my  lips.  Besides,  all  that  can  only 
disturb  her  and  injure  her  excellent  character. 

"  You  always  write  as  if  peace  depended  on  me ; 
but  I  sent  you  all  the  documents.  If  the  Parisians 
want  to  see  the  Cossacks,  they  will  repent  it;  but, 
once  more,  must  the  truth  out  ?  I  have  never  sought 
the  applause  of  the  Parisians.  I  am  not  a  performer 
in  an  opera.  Besides,  you  would  need  to  be  much 
more  practical  than  you  are  to  understand  the  feeling 
of  that  city,  which  has  nothing  in  common  with  the 
passions  of  the  three  or  four  thousand  people  who 


52  THE  INVASION   OF  1814. 

make  so  much  noise.  It  is  perfectly  simple,  and 
much  quicker,  to  say  that  it  is  impossible  to  make  a 
levy  of  men  than  to  try  to  make  one.  The  Emperor 
of  Austria  is  powerless,  because  he  is  weak,  and  is 
led  by  Metternich,  who  is  in  the  pay  of  England : 
that's  the  whole  secret." 

The  evening  before,  Joseph  had  written  a  letter 
which  added  to  the  Emperor's  irritation.  It  con- 
tained the  following  passages :  "  The  upshot  of  all 
that  has  been  said  to  me  by  the  Ministers,  the  officers 
of  the  National  Guard,  of  all  that  I  know  of  the  per- 
sons attached  to  the  existing  order,  is  that  peace  is 
forced  upon  us  by  the  nature  of  things.  There  is 
not  a  man  who  would  not  loudly  crave  it,  were  it 
not  for  fear  of  displeasing  you ;  and  in  fact,  it  is  only 
your  enemies  who  would  dissuade  you  from  accepting 
peace  with  the  former  frontiers.  .  .  .  Disturbing 
rumors  are  beginning  to  make  their  way  through  the 
capital,  which  tend  to  cast  discredit  on  Your  Majesty. 
For  example,  they  speak  of  the  recall  of  the  Duke  of 
Conegliano,  who  is  much  loved.  .  .  .  March  is  pass- 
ing, and  the  fields  are  not  sown.  But  it  is  unneces- 
sary to  go  into  details.  Your  Majesty  must  feel  that 
there  is  no  remedy  but  peace,  and  a  speedy  peace. 
Every  day  lost  does  us  personally  much  harm ;  pri- 
vate misery  is  very  great,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that 
whenever  the  conviction  is  established  that  Your 
Majesty  prefers  the  continuance  of  the  war  to  a 
peace  (however  disgraceful),  weariness  will  turn 
men's  minds  in  the  contrary  direction.     If  Toulouse 


THE  FIRST  FORTNIGHT  OF  MARCH.  53 

and  Bordeaux  protect  a  Bourbon,  you  will  have  civil 
war,  and  the  vast  population  of  Paris  will  favor  the 
one  who  will  secure  the  earlier  peace." 

Napoleon  answered  this  letter  as  follows  ;  "  Soissons, 
March  12,  1814 :  Everywhere  I  hear  the  complaints 
of  the  people  against  their  mayors  and  the  middle 
classes  who  prevent  their  defending  themselves :  I 
see  the  same  thing  in  Paris.  The  people  have 
energy  and  honor.  I  am  very  much  afraid  that 
there  are  certain  leaders  who  do  not  wish  to  fight 
and  who  will  be  much  disturbed,  after  all  is  over,  by 
what  will  have  happened  to  them." 

The  untiring  soldier  would  not  confess  himself 
beaten  by  fate.  His  inconceivable  audacity  had  so 
impressed  Bliicher  that  the  obstinate  Prussian  kept 
his  troops  motionless  for  a  week.  Napoleon  took 
advantage  of  this  respite  to  reorganize  his  feeble 
army,  to  put  garrisons  in  Compigne  in  a  condition  to 
defend  themselves,  and  to  retake  Rheims,  after  a  battle 
in  which  there  fell  General  de  Saint  Priest,  a  French 
e*migre*  who  had  a  position  in  the  Russian  army. 
March  14,  the  Emperor  wrote  to  Joseph  :  — 

"  My  Brother  :  Yesterday  I  reached  Rheims, 
which  General  de  Saint  Priest  had  occupied  with  three 
Russian  divisions  and  a  new  Prussian  division  which 
had  come  from  the  blockade  of  Stettin.  I  beat  them, 
recapturing  the  city,  twenty  cannon,  and  many  stores. 
General  de  Saint  Priest  was  mortally  wounded ;  his 
leg  was  amputated  at  the  thigh.  What  is  strange  is, 
that  Saint  Priest  was  wounded  by  the  same  artillery- 


54  THE  INVASION   OF  181+. 

man  that  killed  General  Moreau.      One  must  say, 

0  Providence  !  O  Providence  ! " 

Napoleon  at  Rheims,  in  the  shadow  of  the  great 
cathedral  in  which  the  kings  of  France  were  formerly- 
crowned,  still  proudly  enjoyed  his  position  as  sover- 
eign. He  could  not  listen  to  a  word  of  criticism  or 
of  advice,  and,  March  14,  he  wrote  to  Joseph  this 
letter  which  shows  all  the  haughtiness  of  his  char- 
acter : — 

"  My  Brother  :  I  am  sorry  you  have  told  the 
Duke  of  Conegliano  what  I  wrote  to  you.  I  don't 
like  this  gossiping.  If  it  suited  my  views  to  order 
the  Duke  of  Conegliano  elsewhere,  the  chatter  of 
Paris  would  not  move  me.  The  National  Guard 
of  Paris  forms  part  of  the  French  people,  and  so  long 
as  I  live  I  shall  be  master  everywhere  in  France. 
Your  character  and  mine  are  very  different.  You 
like  to  coax  people  and  to  follow  their  ideas,  while 

1  require  to  be  pleased  and  to  have  people  obey  mine. 
To-day,  as  at  Austerlitz,  I  am  master.  Don't  let  any- 
one wheedle  the  National  Guard,  or  let  Regnaud  or 
any  one  else  become  their  tribune.  I  suppose,  how- 
ever, that  they  perceive  the  difference  between  the 
time  of  La  Fayette,  when  the  people  were  sovereign, 
and  now,  when  I  am.  I  have  prepared  a  decree  to 
raise  twelve  battalions  by  a  general  levy.  The  exe- 
cution of  this  measure  is 'not  to  be  impeded  in  any 
way  whatsoever.  If  the  people  perceive  that  instead 
of  doing  what  is  necessary,  there  is  any  effort  to 
please  them,  it  will  be  natural  for  them  to  think 


THE  FIRST  FORTNIGHT  IN  MARCH.  55 

themselves  sovereign  and  to  form  a  poor  idea  of  those 
who  govern  them." 

The  same  day  Napoleon  wrote  to  the  Duke  of 
Rovigo,  Minister  of  Police,  this  still  more  imperious 
letter:  "You  tell  me  nothing  of  what  is  going  on 
in  Paris.  They  are  talking  about  an  address,  the 
Regency,  and  a  thousand  intrigues  as  silly  as  they 
are  absurd,  which  can  only  be  devised  by  a  simpleton 
like  Miot.  These  people  seem  not  to  know  that  I 
cut  the  gordian  knot  like  Alexander.  They  must 
know  that  I  am  to-day  the  same  man  I  was  at  Wag- 
ram  and  Austerlitz,  that  I  desire  no  intrigue  in  the 
country,  that  there  is  no  authority  there  but  mine,  and 
that  in  case  of  confusion  the  Regent  alone  possesses 
my  confidence.  King  Joseph  is  weak ;  he  busies 
himself  with  intrigues  which  might  be  fatal  to  the 
state,  and  certainly  to  himself  and  to  his  counsel,  if 
he  does  not  speedily  return  to  the  right  path.  I  am 
displeased  to  learn  all  this  from  another  source  than 
yourself.  Understand  that  if  there  had  been  made  an 
address  contrary  to  the  constituted  authority,  I  should 
have  had  the  King,  my  Ministers,  and  all  who  signed 
it,  arrested.  The  National  Guard  is  spoiled,  Paris  is 
spoiled,  by  weakness  and  ignorance  of  the  country. 
I  wish  no  tribune  of  the  people.  Remember  it  is  I 
who  am  the  grand  tribune  ;  then  the  people  will 
always  do  what  suits  its  real  interests,  which  are  the 
object  of  all  my  thoughts." 

During  the  three  days  which  the  Emperor  spent 
at  Rheims,  the  14th,  15th,  and  16th  of  March,  1814, 


56  THE  INVASION   OF  18 U. 

he  was  much  more  a  monarch  than  a  general,  and  he 
busied  himself  with  the  internal  affairs  of  the  Empire 
as  carefully  as  if  it  had  been  at  peace.  Very  striking 
is  the  authoritative  tone  which  marked  all  his  words 
and  letters  to  the  very  end  of  the  campaign,  even  to 
his  abdication.  Nothing  had  discouraged  him.  It 
was  in  vain  that  the  forces  of  the  Coalition  grew 
while  his  own  dwindled ;  in  vain  that  he  received 
from  Paris  the  most  alarming  news  ;  in  vain  that  he 
saw  treachery  encompassing  him  on  every  side  like  a 
rising  tide  ;  he  looked  at  danger  with  a  fearless  eye, 
and  still  braved  fortune,  which  had  so  long  been  the 
humblest  of  his  slaves. 


THE  CHATILLON  CONGRESS. 

THE  Congress  of  Chatillon  was  drawing  to  an 
end,  and  the  plenipotentiaries  of  France,  Eng- 
land, Austria,  Prussia,  and  Russia  were  about  to  sep- 
arate without  having  been  able  to  accomplish  any- 
thing in  the  way  of  peace.  Before  we  go  on  with 
the  study  of  the  military  events,  let  us  take  a  glance 
at  this  fruitless  effort  of  diplomacy.  All  its  phases 
we  have  studied  in  the  archives  of  the  Ministry  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  and  most  of  the  documents  that  we 
shall  cite  have  never  been  printed. 

It  is  our  impression  that  if  Napoleon  could  have 
contented  himself  with  the  frontiers  of  1792,  he 
would  have  saved  his  crown  ;  but  he  desired  the  nat- 
ural boundaries  of  France,  and  the  Allies  were  abso- 
lutely determined  to  refuse  them.  Consequently  the 
negotiations  moved  in  a  vicious  circle,  and  all  the 
arguments  of  the  plenipotentiaries  were  but  a  futile 
war  of  words.  At  times  Napoleon  seemed  disposed 
to  yield,  but  as  soon  as  he  achieved  any  success  in 
the  field,  he  tossed  his  head  and  rejected  with  scorn 
what  he  regarded  as  insulting  propositions.     At  the 

67 


58  THE  INVASION   OF  1814. 

beginning,  the  efforts  of  diplomacy  had  filled  loyal 
Frenchmen  with  hope,  and  the  traitors  with  fear,  for 
the  traitors  would  have  preferred  the  ruin  of  Napo- 
leon to  the  safety  of  France ;  soon,  however,  it  be- 
came clear  that  the  voice  of  the  plenipotentiaries  was 
drowned  by  the  roar  of  cannon  and  that  the  tremen- 
dous conflict  of  France  with  Europe  was  to  be  ended, 
not  by  the  pen,  but  by  the  sword.  The  Congress 
which  had  met  at  Chatillon-sur-Seine,  in  the  depart- 
ment of  C6te-d'Or,  close  to  the  scene  of  war,  seemed 
an  irony  of  fate.  Surprise  was  felt  that  fighting  and 
negotiation  should  be  going  on  simultaneously,  and 
the  diplomatists,  who  were  treating  one  another  with 
perfect  courtesy,  while  their  fellow-countrymen  were 
slaughtering  one  another,  produced  a  singular  effect 
in  this  terrible  drama. 

France  had  but  one  plenipotentiary  to  contend 
alone  with  Count  Stadion,  the  Austrian  representa- 
tive, Count  Rasumovski,  the  Russian ;  von  Hum- 
boldt, the  Prussian ;  and  the  three  English  plenipo- 
tentiaries, Lord  Cathcart,  Sir  Charles  Stuart,  and 
Lord  Aberdeen.  This  sole  representative  of  France 
was  General  de  Caulaincourt,  Duke  of  Vicenza,  a 
brave  soldier,  a  man  of  honor,  a  sturdy  patriot.  It  is 
easy  to  imagine  what  he  must  have  suffered  in  main- 
taining his  most  difficult  position.  This  brave  officer, 
always  bold  and  dashing  on  the  battle-field,  had  become 
distinctly  moderate  because  he  was  convinced  that 
the  only  hope  of  safety  for  France  and  for  the  Em- 
peror lay  in  peace.     He   argued  his   cause   before 


THE  CHATILLON  CONGRESS.  59 

Napoleon  with  admirable  frankness,  and  we  are  safe 
in  saying  that  if  his  prudent  counsels  had  been  fol- 
lowed, the  Empire  would  have  been  saved.  Among 
the  Allies,  especially  the  English  and  the  Austrian, 
we  believe  that  there  was  no  ill-will  towards  the 
Emperor ;  only,  they  had  decided  not  to  grant  better 
conditions  than  those  which  had  been  accorded  the 
Bourbons.  That  is  what  Napoleon  could  never  com- 
prehend. To  the  last  he  imagined  that  his  marriage 
would  bring  him  sooner  or  later  the  sympathies  of 
Austria,  and  he  let  himself  be  deluded  by  this  expec- 
tation, which  the  Duke  of  Vicenza,  more  clear-sighted 
than  his  master,  never  shared  for  a  moment. 

It  was  a  melancholy  situation  for  this  man  who 
had  filled  the  highest  diplomatic  posts  at  a  period 
when  France  had  been  feared  and  admired,  and  now 
was  forced  to  carry  on  negotiations  grievous  and 
humiliating.  He  had  a  hard  position  between  the 
cruel  demands  of  the  Allies  and  the  Emperor's  ob- 
stinacy which  rendered  argument  impossible.  Cau- 
laincourt  was  able  to  perform  his  difficult  duties  with 
nobility  and  dignity,  and  the  study  of  the  negotia- 
tions, which  were  thus  made  so  laborious  that  no  one 
else  could  have  handled  them  at  all,  does  the  greatest 
honor  to  his  intelligence  and  to  his  character.  His- 
tory, we  are  sure,  will  render  justice  to  this  excellent 
man. 

The  Allies  showed  so  little  eagerness  for  negoti- 
ating that  the  Duke  of  Vicenza  waited  for  a  month 
at  the  outposts  for  the  conference  to  begin.     It  did 


60  THE  INVASION   OF  1814. 

not  open  till  February  4,  1814,  at  Chatillon.  The 
day  before  he  had  written  to  Marshal  Berthier  this 
letter:  "I  write  to  Your  Highness  as  the  most 
devoted  of  the  Emperor's  servants.  There  has  been 
another  battle  [that  of  Rothi&re]  and  the  enemy  have 
won  another  victory.  Will  not  this  stand  in  the  way 
of  our  negotiations,  make  every  question  more  diffi- 
cult, and  lead  them  to  add  to  their  demands  ?  The 
evil  genius  that  for  three  years  has  marred  the  happy 
destiny  of  the  Emperor  still  haunts  him.  Has  he 
not  yet  brought  him  sufficient  misery  ?  Tell  the  true 
state  of  things  to  His  Majesty.  Show  him  how  seri- 
ous matters  are ;  that  the  slightest  delay  may  imperil 
everything  without  bringing  any  advantage.  Tell 
me  plainly,  Prince,  have  you  an  army?  Can  we 
discuss  the  conditions  for  a  fortnight,  or  must  we 
accept  everything  at  once  ?  If  no  one  has  the  cour- 
age to  tell  me  our  real  condition,  I  have  no  surer 
ground  than  the  vague  statements  in  M.  de  Bassano's 
gazette.  It  is  with  tales  of  that  sort  that  we  have 
lost  all  our  conquests  ;  and  they  will  not  help  to  save 
France.  It  is  not  my  fault,  for  I  am  continually 
begging  the  Emperor  to  give  me  his  orders,  rather 
with  a  view  of  serving  and  satisfying  him  than  of 
seeking  to  shun  responsibility.  In  the  name  of  our 
master,  in  the  name  of  all  you  hold  most  dear,  speak 
to  him,  Prince;  write  to  me,  and  let  us  save  the 
throne  and  the  country  !  " 

The  Emperor,  who  was  then  in  a  most  critical  posi- 
tion, made  no  explanation.     He  simply  left  the  Duke 


THE  CHATILLON   CONGRESS.  61 

of  Vicenza  free  to  act  as  he  pleased,  reserving  the 
right  to  disavow  him  if  he  desired.  Hence  the  Duke 
of  Bassano  wrote  from  Troyes  to  the  French  plenipo- 
tentiary, February  5,  1814:  "I  have  sent  you  a 
messenger  with  a  letter  of  His  Majesty  and  the 
renewal  of  the  full  powers  which  you  asked  for. 
When  His  Majesty  was  leaving  this  city,  he  charged 
me  to  send  you  this,  and  to  tell  you  in  so  many 
words  that  His  Majesty  gives  you  carte  blanche  to 
conduct  the  negotiations  to  a  happy  end,  to  save  the 
capital,  and  prevent  a  battle  on  which  the  last  hopes 
of  the  nation  shall  depend." 

On  the  receipt  of  this  unexpected  authorization, 
Caulaincourt  wrote  to  the  Emperor,  February  6 :  "  I 
had  started  with  my  hands  tied,  and  I  receive  un- 
limited powers.  I  was  restrained,  and  now  I  am 
urged  on.  Yet  I  am  not  informed  of  the  reasons  for 
this  change.  In  my  ignorance  of  the  real  state  of 
affairs,  I  cannot  judge  what  it  requires  and  what  it 
permits :  whether  it  is  such  that  I  ought  to  consent 
blindly  to  everything  —  and  there  is  no  room  for 
discussion  or  delay  —  or  whether  to  discuss  at  least 
the  most  essential  points  I  have  several  days  before 
me  or  only  one,  or  whether  I  have  not  even  a 
moment." 

February  7,  the  plenipotentiaries  of  the  Allies 
showed  a  rough  draft  of  the  demands  of  the  Powers, 
demanding  that  France  should  return  to  the  boun- 
daries of  1792,  and  should  have  nothing  to  say  about 
the  fate  of  the  countries  to  be  ceded.     What  should 


62  THE  INVASION   OF  18 U. 

be  done  with  Poland,  Saxony,  Westphalia,  Belgium, 
Italy,  how  Bavaria,  Wiirtemberg,  Switzerland,  were 
to  be  treated,  was  not  to  concern  France.  Finally, 
an  answer,  yes  or  no,  was  demanded,  before  the  con- 
ference should  begin.  As  Thiers  says,  "Certainly 
Napoleon  had  misused  victory;  but  even  in  the 
intoxication  of  Rivoli,  of  Austerlitz,  of  Jena,  of 
Friedland,  he  had  never  treated  the  vanquished  in 
that  way."  Nevertheless,  the  Duke  of  Vicenza 
appeared  inclined  to  accept  these  harsh  terms,  but 
on  one  condition :  that  he  should  be  at  least  assured 
that  by  accepting  them,  he  could  at  once  stop  the 
enemy,  and  thus  save  Paris  and  the  Imperial  throne. 
It  was  answered  that  there  would  be  a  suspension  of 
hostilities  only  in  case  of  their  immediate  unreserved 
acceptance,  and  only  after  the  ratification  of  the 
treaty.  The  next  day,  February  8,  it  was  announced 
that  the  conference  was  suspended. 

Then  the  French  plenipotentiary,  in  the  deepest 
despair,  wrote  to  Prince  Metternich,  who  was  with 
the  Emperor  of  Austria,  the  following  letter :  "  Cha- 
tillon,  February  8,  1814.  You  have  given  me  leave, 
Prince,  to  express  myself  to  you  without  reserve.  I 
have  already  done  so,  and  I  shall  continue  to  do  so ; 
it  is  a  consolation  which  I  should  find  it  hard  to  deny 
myself.  I  regret  more  every  day  that  it  is  not  with 
you  that  I  have  to  treat.  If  I  could  have  foreseen 
this,  I  should  not  have  accepted  the  appointment,  I 
should  not  have  been  here.  I  should  be  with  the 
army ;    and  I  could  at  least  find  in  battle  a  death 


THE  CHATILLON  CONGRESS.  63 

which  I  should  count  as  a  blessing,  if  I  cannot  serve 
here  my  sovereign  and  my  country.  .  .  .  Do  the 
Allies  wish  to  get  time  to  reach  Paris  ?  I  will  not 
ask  you,  Prince,  to  think  of  the  consequences  to  the 
Empress  of  such  an  event.  Should  she  be  compelled 
to  flee  before  her  father's  troops,  when  her  august 
husband  is  ready  to  sign  a  peace  ?  But  I  will  tell 
you  that  all  France  is  not  in  Paris ;  that  with  the 
capital  occupied,  the  French  may  think  that  the  time 
for  sacrifices  is  past ;  that  feelings,  now  repressed  for 
several  reasons,  may  awaken,  and  that  the  arrival  of 
the  Allies  at  Paris  may  be  the  beginning  of  a  series 
of  events  which  Austria  may  not  be  the  last  to  regret 
having  overlooked.  Now,  ought  we  to  end  by  being 
overwhelmed?  Is  it  to  the  interest  of  Austria  that 
we  should  be?  What  profit,  what  glory,  can  she 
expect  if  we  succumb  under  the  assaults  of  all  Eu- 
rope? You,  my  Prince,  you  have  a  chance  to  win 
vast  glory,  but  on  one  condition,  that  you  remain  in 
control  of  affairs;  and  your  only  way  of  securing 
your  hold  is  by  stopping  their  course  by  a  speedy 
peace.  We  refuse  no  reasonable  sacrifice.  We  only 
wish  to  know  all  that  are  asked  of  us,  for  whose 
advantage  we  are  to  make  them,  and  whether,  by 
making  them,  we  can  have  the  certainty  of  putting 
an  end  to  the  horrors  of  war.  See  to  it,  Prince,  that 
all  these  questions  are  put  in  perfect  sincerity.  I 
shall  not  delay  my  answer.  You  are  assuredly  too 
wise  not  to  perceive  that  our  demand  is  as  just  as  our 
disposition  is  moderate.      Cannot  Your  Excellency 


64  THE  INVASION   OF  1814. 

come  with  M.  de  Nesselrode  and  spend  three  hours 
here  with  Lord  Castlereagh  ?  It  would  well  accord 
with  the  character  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  with 
the  heart  of  the  Empress's  father,  to  consent  to  an 
expedition  which  might  in  a  single  morning  terminate 
a  struggle  now  without  an  object,  and  one  that  costs 
humanity  so  many  tears ! " 

After  a  week's  interruptions,  the  meetings  of  the 
Congress  were  resumed,  and  Prince  Metternich  thus 
answered  the  letter  of  the  Duke  of  Vicenza:  "  Troyes, 
February  15,  1814.  We  have  just  started  the  nego- 
tiations again,  my  dear  Duke,  and  I  can  assure  Your 
Excellency  that  it  is  not  an  easy  thing  to  be  the  min- 
ister of  the  Coalition.  All  your  kind  words  of  regret 
at  not  seeing  me  at  Chatillon  can  only  spring  from 
your  personal  feelings  of  which  you  have  given  me  so 
many  proofs.  I  have  already  recommended  to  you 
Count  Stadion.  Take  my  word  for  it,  Lord  Castle- 
reagh is  also  a  man  of  the  best  sort,  upright,  loyal, 
without  passion,  and  so  without  prejudice.  It  needs 
a  combination  of  men  like  the  English  ministers  of 
the  present  time  to  render  possible  the  great  task  at 
which  you  are  working,  and  which,  I  natter  myself, 
will  be  crowned  with  success.  Your  Excellency  has 
no  reason  to  regret  accepting  your  position.  It  is  a 
great  one  only  in  difficult  times.  I  enclose  a  let- 
ter from  the  Mesgrigny  family  to  their  brothers, 
sons,  etc.  Be  good  enough  to  forward  it  to  them. 
They  are  excellent  people  who  have  the  good  for- 
tune to  have  me  in  their  house,  —  a  real  piece  of  good 


THE  CHATILLON   CONGRESS.  65 

fortune,  for  I  don't  eat  them.  War,  dear  Duke,  is  a 
horrible  thing,  especially  when  it  is  waged  with  fifty 
thousand  Cossacks  and  Baskirs  "  Certainly  diploma- 
tists have  their  own  ways  of  writing,  and  this  lively 
style  was  in  marked  contrast  to  the  gravity  of  the 
events ! 

Meanwhile,  Napoleon,  who  for  a  moment  had 
thought  that  all  was  lost,  had  won  the  battles  of 
Champaubert,  Montmirail,  and  Vauchamps,  and 
intoxicated  by  his  success,  had  imagined  himself 
nearer  to  Munich  and  Vienna  than  were  the  Allies 
to  Paris.  Then  he  wrote  to  Caulaincourt  this  let- 
ter :  "  Nangis,  February  18.  I  gave  you  carte  blanche 
to  save  Paris  and  avoid  a  battle,  which  was  the 
nation's  last  hope.  The  battle  has  been  fought; 
Providence  has  favored  our  side.  I  have  made 
thirty  or  forty  thousand  prisoners,  have  captured 
two  hundred  cannon,  a  great  number  of  generals, 
and  destroyed  several  armies  almost  without  striking 
a  blow.  Yesterday  I  routed  the  army  of  Prince 
Schwarzenberg,  which  I  hope  to  destroy  before  it  has 
recrossed  our  frontier.  Your  attitude  must  remain 
the  same ;  you  must  do  everything  to  secure  peace ; 
but  I  desire  that  you  sign  nothing  without  my  order, 
because  I  alone  know  how  I  stand.  No,  General,  I 
want  only  a  solid  and  honorable  peace,  and  that  can 
only  be  on  the  bases  proposed  at  Frankfort  [the 
natural  frontiers].  If  the  Allies  had  accepted  your 
propositions  on  the  9th,  there  would  have  been  no 
battle ;  I  should  not  have  run  the  risk  at  a  moment 


66  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

when  the  slightest  ill-success  would  have  ruined 
France ;  in  short,  I  should  not  have  known  the  secret 
of  their  weakness.  It  is  proper  that  I  should  have  in 
return  the  advantages  of  the  chances  which  have 
turned  in  my  favor.  I  desire  peace,  but  that  would 
not  be  a  peace  which  should  impose  on  France  more 
humiliating  conditions  than  the  Frankfort  proposi- 
tions. My  position  is  certainly  more  favorable  than 
when  the  Allies  were  at  Frankfort ;  they  were  able  to 
defy  me,  I  had  obtained  no  advantage  over  them, 
and  they  were  far  from  my  territory.  To-day  it  is 
very  different ;  I  have  won  many  victories  over  them, 
victories  unequalled  in  a  somewhat  illustrious  career 
of  twenty  years.  I  am  ready  to  cease  hostilities  and 
to  let  the  enemy  withdraw  unmolested  if  they  will 
sign  the  preliminaries  based  on  the  Frankfort  propo- 
sitions." 

Napoleon  believed  the  Coalition  much  more  shaken 
than  it  really  was.  At  the  meeting  of  February  17, 
the  plenipotentiaries  of  the  Allies  presented  a  series 
of  preliminary  articles  even  more  insulting  than  the 
previous  drafts.  It  was  simply  stated  that  Germany 
would  form  a  federation ;  that  Holland  would  be  en- 
larged by  the  addition  of  Belgium,  and  be  made  a 
kingdom ;  that  Italy  was  to  be  independent  of  France ; 
that  Austria  would  have  possessions  there ;  and  that 
France  would  return  to  the  boundaries  of  1792. 

When  Napoleon,  who  believed  that  he  had  scattered 
terror  among  his  enemies,  heard  of  their  propositions, 
he  was  filled  with  wrath.     He  wrote  from  Surville  to 


THE  CHATILLON   CONGRESS.  67 

the  Duke  of  Vicenza,  February  19  :  "I  am  so  deeply 
moved  by  the  infamous  proposition  which  you  send 
to  me,  that  I  feel  dishonored  by  the  mere  fact  that  it 
was  made  to  you.  .  .  .  Everything  they  tell  you  is 
false.  The  Austrians  are  beaten  in  Italy,  and  far 
from  being  at  Meaux,  I  shall  soon  be  at  Chatillon.  .  .  . 
I  shall  send  you  word  of  my  intentions  from  Troyes 
or  Chatillon  ;  but  I  think  I  should  have  done  better 
to  lose  Paris  than  to  see  such  propositions  made  to 
the  French  people.  You  are  always  talking  about 
the  Bourbons.  I  had  rather  see  the  Bourbons  in 
France,  under  reasonable  conditions,  than  the  infa- 
mous propositions  which  you  send  to  me." 

The  same  day,  February  19,  1814,  Caulaincourt, 
who  was  far  from  taking  the  same  optimistic  view  of 
things,  wrote  to  the  Duke  of  Bassano :  "  Thanks  to 
your  good  news,  I  am  full  of  hope.  But  let  us  not, 
from  lack  of  proper  moderation,  lose  the  chance  to 
make  a  peace  which  will  be  ever  honorable,  if  it  is 
truly  reasonable.  Delays  or  claims  made  now,  when 
Europe  is  in  such  a  state  of  exasperation  with  us, 
may  ruin  everything  in  a  moment.  .  .  .  Plead  the 
cause  of  peace,  Duke  ;  it  is  that  of  the  Emperor's  real 
glory  and  of  the  real  interest  of  France." 

Caulaincourt  did  not  yet  wholly  despair  of  a  happy 
outcome  of  the  negotiations ;  Lord  Castlereagh,  who, 
as  the  head  of  the  English  Cabinet,  had  come  to  Cha- 
tillon, though  he  took  no  part  in  the  meetings  of  the 
Congress,  while  exercising  a  preponderant  influence, 
had  not  yet  displayed  a  systematic  hostility  to  Napo- 


68  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

leon  personally.  Hence  the  Duke  of  Vicenza  wrote 
to  the  Duke  of  Bassano,  February  21 :  "  In  general, 
the  way  the  English  express  themselves,  their  tone, 
and  the  moderation  of  Lord  Castlereagh's  opinions, 
the  very  proper  way  in  which  they  speak  of  the 
Emperor  and  of  France,  have  been  really  remarkable. 
I  owe  it  to  the  truth  to  render  them  this  justice." 

The  plenipotentiaries  of  the  Allies,  while  polite  in 
externals,  were  pitiless  in  fact.  February  28,  they 
informed  the  Duke  of  Vicenza  that  they  granted 
him  a  delay  of  ten  days  for  his  answer  to  their  propo- 
sition of  February  17 ;  that  they  were  ready  to  dis- 
cuss any  modifications  that  France  might  suggest, 
but  that  they  would  absolutely  refuse  any  which 
should  depart  in  the  least  from  the  essential  points 
of  the  proposition.  It  was  agreed  that  if  this  delay 
of  ten  days,  expiring  March  10,  should  pass  without 
their  coming  to  an  understanding,  the  Congress 
should  be  at  once  dissolved. 

At  the  same  time,  Lord  Castlereagh  was  the  pro- 
moter of  the  famous  agreement  which  was  the  germ 
of  the  Holy  Alliance.  March  1,  1814,  England, 
Austria,  Prussia,  and  Russia  agreed,  by  the  treaty  of 
Chaumont,  to  furnish  each  a  permanent  contingent 
of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men  until  the  war 
should  be  ended.  England  offered  in  ,  addition  an 
annual  subsidy  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  million 
francs,  to  be  divided  equally  between  Russia,  Prussia, 
and  Austria.  Lord  Castlereagh  did  not  stop  there. 
He  bound  the  four  Powers  for  twenty  years  from  the 


THE  CHATILLON  CONGRESS.  69 

next  peace.  They  were  each,  when  the  war  was  over, 
to  maintain  sixty  thousand  men  for  twenty  years, 
for  the  use  of  that  one  of  them  which  France  might 
try  to  attack,  if,  after  peace  was  once  made,  she 
should  renew  her  assaults  against  her  neighbors. 

Caulaincourt  was  not  informed  of  the  treaty  of 
Chaumont,  but  he  perceived  that  the  Allies  were 
forming  serious  resolutions,  and,  March  3,  he  wrote 
a  private  letter  to  the  Emperor,  expressing  his  uneasi- 
ness ;  it  ran  as  follows :  — 

"  Sire  :  The  details  which  I  have  to  report  to  Your 
Majesty  seeming  to  me  alarming,  I  make  them  the 
subject  of  a  private  letter.  May  this  report  be  re- 
ceived with  less  bitterness  than  those  I  usually  have 
the  honor  of  sending  to  Your  Majesty,  and  prove  to 
him  that  his  plenipotentiary  has  the  most  thorough 
conviction  of  the  dangers  of  the  throne  when  he 
ventures  to  recur  to  questions  and  sacrifices  which  he 
knows  are  equally  painful.  .  .  .  Your  Majesty  has  not 
been  ignorant  that  the  princes  of  the  house  of  Bour- 
bon who  have  left  England  were  established  on  our 
frontiers,  and  that  the  Count  d'Artois,  who  was  just 
now  in  Switzerland,  has  settled  at  Vesoul.  To-day 
he  is  said  to  be  even  nearer  the  enemy's  headquarters. 
This  Prince  was  able  to  come  to  Switzerland  without 
the  consent  of  all  the  Allies,  but  he  could  not  come 
into  France  or  stay  on  the  line  mainly  occupied  by 
the  Austrian  forces  save  with  the  consent  of  Your 
Majesty's  father-in-law.  Hence  his  presence  is  more 
than   a   Russian    and    English    menace.  .  .  .     Your 


70  THE  INVASION   OF  18 U. 

Majesty  is  more  competent  than  any  one  to  draw  all 
the  consequences  from  this  apparition  under  such  a 
flag.  It  is,  I  shall  be  told,  a  mere  bugbear,  an  empty 
threat.  The  present  generation  has  no  knowledge 
of  the  Bourbons,  and  consequently  takes  no  interest 
in  them ;  old  people  have  forgotten  them,  and  the 
people  of  La  Vendee,  if  they  remember  their  coura- 
geous efforts  in  behalf  of  these  princes,  have  not  lost 
the  memory  of  their  abandonment  and  of  their  stay 
at  lie  Dieu.  I  know  and  think  of  all  that,  Sire ;  I 
know  too  that  the  inhabitants  of  La  Vendee  owe  to 
you  the  reconstruction  of  their  manors  and  the  pres- 
ent prosperity  of  their  country.  Hence  I  should  not 
ascribe  excessive  importance  to  this  resurrection  if  I 
did  not  infer  that  Austria,  being  void  of  shame  for 
such  conduct,  is  ready  to  disown  us.  In  this  state  of 
affairs  it  is  the  duty  of  the  man  placed  by  Your 
Majesty  as  his  first  political  sentinel  to  call  all  your 
attention  to  the  consequence  of  this  appearance. 
You  should  believe  me  when  I  return  to  this  grave 
matter ;  for  you  know  that  no  interest,  no  passion, 
moves  me  against  the  Bourbons,  since,  the  Revolu- 
tion having  made  me  its  victim  and  then  a  soldier,  it 
is  not  it,  but  my  own  sword  and  my  Emperor,  that 
have  made  me  what  I  am.  You  know  too  that  the 
memories  of  my  infancy  and  my  respect  for  misfor- 
tune do  not  make  me  dream  of  these  princes,  since, 
in  my  opinion,  the  interest  and  the  glory  of  my  coun- 
try oppose  them  now,  as  well  as  our  oath  to  our 
Emperor.     I  hope,  then,  that  these   reflections  will 


THE  CHATILLON  CONGRESS.  71 

give  weight  to  my  urgency,  which  comes  from  my 
profound  conviction." 

In  the  same  letter  the  Duke  of  Vicenza  reported  an 
important  conversation  which  he  had  just  had  with 
an  intimate  friend  of.  Prince  Metternich:  "Prince 
Esterhazy,  whose  relations  with  Prince  Metternich 
are  well  known  to  Your  Majesty,  and  who  has  been 
with  him  since  the  beginning  of  the  campaign,  has 
just  passed  a  few  moments  here.  .  .  .  These  are  the 
remarks  of  his  to  which  I  paid  particular  attention : 
4  It  is  the  personal  opinion  of  Emperor  Francis  and 
of  Metternich  that  peace  is  more  and  more  imper- 
atively necessary  for  France.  If  it  is  delayed,  it  is 
impossible  to  foresee  how  far  things  will  go,  for 
defeats  would  add  to  the  exasperation  of  the  Allies  as 
much  as  would  success.  .  .  .  Your  vast  ambition  and 
a  thousand  circumstances  have  produced  the  present 
crisis  and  summoned  all  Europe  to  arms.  In  the 
present  state  of  Europe,  millions  of  men  will  march 
if  the  eight  hundred  thousand  now  blocking  every 
road  to  Paris  are  not  enough.  ...  It  is  too  clear 
that  your  sovereign,  deceiving  himself  with  the  vain 
hope  of  restoring  his  condition  by  gaining  a  battle, 
stakes  on  this  single  card  not  only  the  existence  of 
France,  but  his  throne,  and  even  his  life.  .  .  .  Why 
push  things  to  the  bitter  end,  when  we  cannot  conceal 
the  fact  that  every  one  has  more  than  one  insult  to 
avenge?  Had  it  not  been  for  Austria,  the  Allies 
would  already  have  lost  some  of  the  regard  for 
France,  which  cannot  last  long  if  we  postpone   the 


72  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

signing  of  a  peace ;  for  in  the  present  war  Austria 
alone  is  without  passion.  Emperor  Francis  loves  his 
daughter  and  takes  a  real  interest  in  his  son-in-law ; 
why  reject  his  good  advice?  Before  long  his  good 
intentions  and  those  of  Prince  Metternich  will  be 
unable  further  to  control  passions  inflamed  by  the 
prolongation  of  the  struggle.  ...  Is  there  then  no 
way  of  enlightening  the  Emperor  Napoleon  about  his 
position  and  of  saving  him,  if  he  insists  on  ruining 
himself;  and  has  he  absolutely  placed  his  own  fate, 
that  of  his  son,  your  own,  on  his  last  cannon? 
Would  you  rather  have  France  pillaged  and  the  Rus- 
sians in  Paris  than  treat  for  peace?  Will  all  your 
audacity  and  the  courage  of  despair  prevent  your 
being  overwhelmed  by  the  multitude  that  threatens 
you?  Believe  me,  make  peace.  We  are  enemies  — 
you  know  it  better  than  any  one,  for  your  sovereign 
has  confided  to  you  the  conditions  of  peace  —  only 
because  the  Emperor  Napoleon  has  made  us  such.' " 

After  thus  recording  the  words  of  Prince  Ester- 
hazy,  the  Duke  of  Vicenza  closed  his  letter  with 
these  words :  "  Your  Majesty  can  no  longer  hide  from 
himself  that  what  was  possible  at  Frankfort  is  im- 
possible at  Chatillon.  The  enemy  have  tested  the 
national  and  patriotic  resistance  which  they  feared, 
and  they  are,  besides,  in  force  at  the  gates  of  Paris. 
Doubtless  these  are  not  consoling  reflections,  and  it 
is  hard  for  me  to  address  such  language  to  Your 
Majesty;  but  I  owe  to  you  absolute  truthfulness. 
Austria  and  Prussia,  when  conquered  by  you,  gave 


THE  CHATJLLON   CONGRESS.  73 

you  for  saving  themselves  more  than  one  example  of 
resignation ;  this  virtue  has  been  of  service  to  those 
cabinets,  since  now  they  speak  as  conquerors.  Imi- 
tate them,  Sire,  while  your  capital  is  still  uninvaded 
and  victory  has  not  yet  deserted  you.  Your  Majesty 
can  no  longer  deceive  yourself.  You  see  that  our 
ranks  are  too  empty  to  triumph  over  so  many  foes. 
You  have  learned  that  your  fortune  has  been  able  to 
save  nothing  but  our  laurels.  Hence  you  have  had  it 
proved  that  we  must  await  from  the  future  what  the 
present  denies  us,  and  that  only  on  this  condition 
can  the  hour  of  a  noble  and  glorious  vengeance  ever 
strike." 

The  Duke  of  Vicenza,  fully  appreciating  the  re- 
marks of  Prince  Esterhazy,  went  on :  "  Does  Prince 
Esterhazy's  conduct  have  any  connection  with  the 
appearance  of  the  Bourbons  ?  He  said  nothing  to  me 
bearing  upon  them,  and  in  speaking  of  them  I  took 
care  not  to  admit  that  Your  Majesty  could  have  any 
uneasiness  in  this  regard.  Does  it  have  any  connec- 
tion with  other  circumstances  or  with  arrangements 
now  unknown  to  us  ?  Time  alone  can  tell.  We 
may  presume  everything  when  we  have  everything 
to  fear.  By  what  he  called  *  regard  for  France,'  etc., 
may  he  not  have  understood  a  plan  to  admit  the 
Bourbons  in  the  case  the  war  is  prolonged?  Every- 
thing that  occurs,  everything  said,  everything  that 
threatens  us,  shows  that  our  foes  regard  all  means  as 
lawful.  .  .  .  Despite  this  state  of  affairs,  I,  like  Your 
Majesty,  would  take  counsel  only  of  my  courage,  if  I 


74  THE  INVASION   OF  1814. 

knew  that  you  had  in  your  hands  one  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand  men  to  face  the  storm  ;  but  if,  as  I 
fear,  you  have  less  than  eighty  thousand,  but  one 
thing  is  left  to  do,  —  to  yield  at  this  moment  to  united 
Europe ;  for  peace,  I  repeat,  has  become  the  desire  and 
necessity  of  the  French;  there  is  no  safety  but  in 
peace.  Our  dangers  are  too  real,  and  the  hours  left 
us  are,  it  is  clear,  counted  by  our  relentless  enemies. 
Possibly  Your  Majesty  will  charge  these  reflections 
with  weakness ;  I  think,  however,  and  it  cannot  escape 
you,  that  courage  is  required  to  make  them.  How- 
ever, I  am  convinced  that  the  time  is  come  when  no 
consideration  should  stop  me." 

It  is  almost  impossible  to  tell  the  truth  to  sover- 
eigns in  the  days  of  their  prosperity ;  it  is  not  easy 
to  make  them  listen  to  it  when  adversity  has  given 
them  lessons  by  which  they  should  profit.  This  frank 
and  loyal  letter  of  Caulaincourt's  displeased  the  Em- 
peror. On  hearing  of  this  unreasonable  displeasure, 
the  faithful  servant  wrote  to  Napoleon  this  admirable 
letter: — 

"Chatillon,  March  5,  1814.  Sire:  I  must  state 
clearly  to  Your  Majesty  how  much  I  am  pained  by 
finding  my  devotion  misunderstood.  You  are  dissat- 
isfied with  me  ;  you  show  this,  and  you  charged  M. 
de  Rumigny  to  tell  me.  My  frankness  has  displeased 
you ;  and  you  call  it  rudeness  and  harshness.  You 
reproach  me  with  seeing  the  Bourbons  everywhere, 
and  yet,  perhaps  wrongly,  I  scarcely  mentioned 
them.      Your    Majesty    forgets  that  it   is   you    who 


THE  CHATILLON   CONGRESS.  75 

first  spoke  of  them  in  letters  written  or  dictated  to 
me.  To  foresee,  like  you,  the  chances  that  may  be 
offered  to  them  by  the  passions  of  some  of  the  Allies, 
those  that  might  be  produced  by  an  unhappy  contin- 
gency, and  by  the  interest  with  which  their  sufferings 
might  inspire  this  country,  if  the  presence  of  a  Prince 
and  a  party  should  arouse  this  old  memory  at  a  criti- 
cal moment,  would  not  be  so  unreasonable,  if  things 
were  pushed  to  an  extreme.  In  the  present  condition 
of  men's  minds,  in  this  feverish  state  of  Europe,  when 
France  is  so  anxious  and  fatigued,  every  possibility 
should  be  faced ;  wisdom  commands  this.  I  well  un- 
derstand that  Your  Majesty  should  desire  to  commu- 
nicate the  force  of  his  nature,  the  fire  of  his  great 
character  to  all  who  serve  him,  and  to  inspire  every  one 
with  his  energy.  But  your  minister,  Sire,  does  not  need 
this  spur.  Adversity  arouses  his  courage  instead  of 
casting  it  down.  .  .  .  No  one  would  more  readily 
than  I  console  Your  Majesty,  soften  all  the  pain  that 
the  circumstances  and  the  necessary  sacrifices  inflict 
upon  you,  but  the  interest  of  France,  that  of  your 
dynasty,  command  me  to  be  above  all  things  cautious 
and  honest.  ...  Is  it  my  fault  if  I  am  the  only  one 
to  use  this  language  of  devotion  to  Your  Majesty,  if 
those  who  are  with  you  and  agree  with  me  dread  to 
displease  you,  and,  desirous  of  sparing  you  amid  so 
many  trials,  dare  not  say  what  it  is  my  duty  to  tell 
you?" 

The  conclusion  of  this   letter  is  both  noble   and 
touching.     It  is  easy  to  see  all  the  anguish  that  rent 


76  THE  INVASION   OF  1814. 

Caulaincourt's  heart  when  he  wrote  these  lines. 
"  What  glory,  what  advantage,  could  there  be  for  me 
in  signing  this  same  peace,  if  it  should  ever  be  made? 
Will  not  this  peace,  or  rather  these  sacrifices,  ever  be 
for  Your  Majesty  a  source  of  lasting  dissatisfaction 
with  your  plenipotentiary  ?  Will  not  many  French- 
men who  now  feel  its  necessity  blame  me  for  it  six 
months  after  it  shall  have  saved  your  throne?  .  .  . 
Since  I  am  no  blinder  about  my  position  than  I  am 
about  Your  Majesty's,  you  ought  to  believe  me.  I 
see  things  as  they  are.  Fear  has  united  all  the  sov- 
ereigns, discontent  has  collected  all  the  Germans; 
the  bond  is  too  strong  for  us  to  break.  In  accepting 
the  ministry  as  I  did,  in  undertaking  this  negotiation, 
I  devoted  myself  to  your  service,  to  save  my  country. 
I  had  no  other  aim,  and  that  would  seem  to  me  high 
ancj.  noble  enough  to  be  above  all  sacrifices.  In  my 
position  I  could  not  do  otherwise,  and  that  is  what 
decided  me.  Your  Majesty  may  say  of  me  all  the  ill 
you  please ;  you  cannot  think  it  in  your  heart,  and  you 
will  be  forced  always  to  do  me  the  justice  of  regard- 
ing me  as  one  of  your  most  faithful  subjects  and 
one  of  the  best  citizens  of  this  France  which  I 
cannot  be  suspected  of  wishing  to  degrade,  since  I 
would  give  my  life  to  save  one  of  its  villages." 

Meanwhile,  the  fatal  limit  set  by  the  plenipoten- 
tiaries of  the  Coalition,  the  10th  of  March,  had  come. 
On  that  day  the  Duke  of  Vicenza  handed  in  a  state- 
ment referring  to  the  protocol,  and  recalling  what 
the   different  states   had    gained   since    1792.      He 


THE  CHAT1LL0N  CONGRESS.  77 

expressed  himself  as  follows :  "  After  demanding  so 
many  sacrifices  of  France,  but  one  was  left  to  claim, 
—  that  of  its  honor.  The  proposal  tends  to  deprive 
her  of  the  right  of  intervening  in  favor  of  one  of 
her  former  unhappy  allies.  The  plenipotentiary  of 
France  having  asked  whether  the  King  of  Saxony 
was  to  be  put  again  in  possession  of  his  states,  could 
not  get  an  answer.  From  France  are  demanded 
cessions  and  renunciations,  and  it  is  desired  that  she 
should  make  these  cessions  without  knowing  to 
whom,  by  what  title,  and  in  what  proportions,  will 
belong  what  she  shall  have  ceded.  It  is  intended 
that  she  shall  not  know  who  will  be  her  nearest 
neighbors.  It  is  desired  to  arrange,  without  her, 
the  fate  of  countries  she  shall  have  renounced,  and 
the  way  of  living  of  those  with  which  her  sovereign 
was  bound  by  close  ties.  It  is  desired  without  her,  to 
make  arrangements  determining  the  general  system 
of  European  equilibrium.  It  is  desired  that  she 
should  have  no  part  in  the  arrangement  of  a  whole 
of  which  she  forms  a  considerable  and  necessary  part. 
It  is,  moreover,  desired  that  by  subscribing  to  these 
conditions  she  should  be  in  some  sort  excluded  from 
European  society.  .  .  .  Attacked  at  once  by  all  the 
Powers  united  against  her,  the  French  nation,  more 
than  any  other,  needs  peace,  and  desires  it  more  than 
any  other;  but  every  people,  like  every  generous  man, 
sets  honor  even  above  life." 

After  hearing  this  statement,  the  plenipotentiaries 
broke  out  into  the  most  violent  abuse.     Where,  they 


78  THE  INVASION   OF  18 U. 

asked,  is  the  counter-project  which  has  been  expected 
for  a  month  and  had  been  solemnly  promised  for 
March  10  ?  The  Duke  of  Vicenza  succeeded  only 
with  great  difficulty  in  calming  them  and  in  obtain- 
ing a  few  days'  respite.  At  last,  March  15,  he  handed 
in  the  counter-project,  which  was  Napoleon's  own 
work.  Therein  the  Emperor  agreed  to  cede  the 
Dutch  Brabant  and  various  parcels  of  territory  on 
the  right  bank  of  the  Rhine,  but  he  demanded  a  sum 
of  money  for  Prince  Eugene,  another  for  Princess 
Elisa,  and  kept  the  Rhine,  and  the  Alps,  Antwerp, 
Cologne,  Mayence,  Chambe'ry,  Nice.  The  allied 
plenipotentiaries  regarded  this  counter-project  as  an 
insulting  defiance. 

Then  Prince  Metternich  wrote  to  the  Duke  of 
Vicenza  a  final  private  letter,  in  which  he  said :  "  If 
the  conditions  of  the  counter-project  are  the  Emperor 
Napoleon's  ultimatum,  peace  is  impossible,  and  the 
fate  of  France  and  of  Europe  will  be  decided  by  arms. 
It  would  be  hard,  Duke,  to  describe  to  you  all  the 
painful  emotions  of  the  Emperor,  my  master.  He 
loves  his  daughter,  and  he  sees  her  exposed  to  new 
anxieties  which  can  only  increase.  The  more  com- 
plicated the  political  questions,  the  more  personal 
they  become.  The  Emperor  Napoleon  has  not  sec- 
onded the  favorable  intentions  which  the  Emperor 
Francis  has  always  manifested.  Possibly  we  are 
nearer  peace  by  the  breaking  off  of  these  futile  nego- 
tiations.    That  is  the  sole  object  of  our  prayers." 

March  18,  the  plenipotentiaries  of  the  Allies  read 


THE  CHATILLON   CONGRESS.  79 


a  formal  note  in  which  they  stated  that,  France  hav- 
ing exactly  reproduced  all  the  conditions  recognized 
as  inacceptable  by  Europe,  the  conferences  were  defi- 
nitely broken  off.  Yet  a  final  note  was  exchanged 
the  next  day,  March  19 ;  it  was  about  the  Pope.  It 
ran  thus :  "  The  undersigned,  the  plenipotentiaries  of 
the  allied  courts,  seeing  with  a  deep  and  profound 
regret  the  fruitlessness  of  the  negotiation  undertaken 
at  Chatillon  for  the  tranquillity  of  Europe,  cannot  dis- 
pense with  occupying  themselves  before  their  depart- 
ure, by  means  of  the  present  note  to  His  Excellency, 
the  French  Plenipotentiary,  with  a  subject  which  is 
foreign  to  political  dissensions,  and  which  should 
always  have  remained  so.  In  insisting  on  the  inde- 
pendence of  Italy,  the  allied  Powers  had  intended  to 
replace  the  Holy  Father  in  his  former  capital.  The 
French  government  has  shown  the  same  disposition  in 
the  counter-project  presented  by  its  plenipotentiary. 
It  would  be  unfortunate  if  so  just  and  natural  a  design, 
agreed  to  by  the  two  parties,  were  to  remain  without 
effect  through  reasons  in  no  way  concerning  the 
functions  which  the  Head  of  the  Catholic  Church  is 
religiously  bound  to  perform.  The  religion  professed 
by  a  great  part  of  the  nations  now  at  war  —  justice 
and  general  equity,  humanity;  in  a  word  —  are  equally 
interested  in  setting  His  Holiness  at  liberty,  and  the 
undersigned  are  convinced  that  they  have  only  to  ex- 
press this  wish,  and  in  the  name  of  the  courts  to  ask 
this  act  of  justice  of  the  French  government,  to 
engage  it  to  put  the  Holy  Father  in  a  condition  to 


80  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

satisfy  the  needs  of  the  Catholic  Church,  by  the 
enjoyment  of  perfect  liberty.  The  undersigned  avail 
themselves  of  this  opportunity  to  reassure  His  Excel- 
lency, the  French  Plenipotentiary,  of  their  high 
consideration.  [Signed.]  Count  Stadion,  Count 
Rasumowski,  Cathcart,  Humboldt,  Charles  Stuart, 
Aberdeen." 

The  Duke  of  Vicenza  answered  this  note  thus : 
"  The  undersigned,  Plenipotentiary  of  France,  will 
be  the  more  glad  to  transmit  to  his  court  the  note, 
dated  to-day,  of  Their  Excellencies,  the  allied  plenipo- 
tentiaries, since  the  Emperor,  his  master,  in  the  coun- 
ter-project which  he  was  charged  with  presenting  on 
the  15th,  has  first  shown  the  interest  he  took  in  the 
Holy  Father." 

Thus  ended  the  Congress  of  Chatillon.  Of  the 
four  allied  Powers,  only  one,  Austria,  is  Roman  Cath- 
olic ;  and  at  the  last  moment  when  the  negotiations 
on  all  other  points  are  broken  off,  they  occupy  them- 
selves with  the  Holy  See.  And  the  French  plenipo- 
tentiary pays  homage  to  Napoleon's  prisoner.  That 
was  the  last  word  of  the  Congress,  which  failed  so 
disastrously  for  the  Empire !  In  a  few  days  the 
Emperor,  at  the  end  of  his  resources,  exhausted,  be- 
trayed by  fortune,  was  to  reappear  at  Fontainebleau 
in  the  apartment  next  to  the  one  that  served  as  the 
prison  of  Pius  VII.  Nothing  is  more  impressive 
than  these  unexpected  changes  in  history.  In  this 
curious  interweaving  of  events,  outdoing  human  cal- 
culations, we  see  new  proof  of  the  maxim :  "  Man 
proposes ;  God  disposes." 


THE  CHATILLON  CONGRESS.  81 

March  19,  the  Duke  of  Vicenza  withdrew  from  the 
other  plenipotentiaries,  and,  on  the  20th,  all  the  lega- 
tions left  Ch&tillon  to  return  to  the  headquarters  of  the 
different  armies.  These  useless  protocols,  these  vain 
diplomatic  debates,  as  they  are  recorded  in  the  vol- 
umes in  the  Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs,  entitled 
"  The  Chatillon  Congress,"  are  melancholy  reading. 
Let  us  turn  to  the  military  operations  where  we  left 
off  at  the  beginning  of  the  second  fortnight  of  March, 
1814. 


VI. 

ARCIS-SUR-AUBE. 

AT  the  beginning  of  the  second  fortnight  of 
March,  1814,  Napoleon  did  not  yet  despair. 
On  reaching  Rheims  on  the  14th,  he  found  that  war- 
like and  patriotic  city  illuminated  and  echoing  with 
cries  of  "  Long  live  the  Emperor ! "  He  stayed  there 
three  days,  directing  the  complicated  affairs  of  his 
Empire  with  imperturbable  calm  and  untiring  activity. 
Meanwhile  Bliicher,  at  the  head  of  the  army  of  Sile- 
sia, was  resting  quietly  on  the  hill  of  Laon,  and 
Schwarzenberg,  although  victorious  over  the  Duke  of 
Reggio,  seemed  chained  to  Troyes.  Napoleon,  ever 
confident  in  his  fortune,  in  spite  of  so  many  disasters, 
awaited  some  misstep  on  the  part  of  his  adversaries, 
to  fall  upon  them  with  the  swiftness  of  lightning. 
For  him  it  was  of  the  utmost  importance  to  prevent 
the  junction  of  the  armies  of  Silesia  and  of  Bohemia, 
and  to  strike  a  strong  blow  upon  Schwarzenberg's 
forces  while  the  two  armies  were  still  separate. 

The  Emperor  determined  to  attack  the  enemy 
in  spite  of  their  numerical  superiority.  He  ordered 
Marmont  and  Mortier,  with  their  eighteen  thousand 


ARCIS-S  UR-A  UBE.  83 

men,  to  oppose  Bliicher's  inarch  to  Paris  with  a  hun- 
dred and  twenty  thousand  men,  and  he  himself,  with 
about  seventeen  thousand,  advanced  against  Schwarz- 
enberg's  one  hundred  thousand.  Thus  a  handful  of 
soldiers,  recruits  wasted  by  suffering,  or  scanty  vete- 
rans in  the  empty  and  disorganized  ranks,  were  about 
to  hurl  themselves  with  the  courage  of  heroes  against 
the  formidable  army  of  Bohemia. 

This  fearless  attacking  column,  led  by  Napoleon, 
started  from  Rheims,  March  17,  and  reached  iSpernay 
the  same  day:  then  the  Emperor  received  bad  news; 
namely,  that  the  English  had  entered  Bordeaux  by 
the  invitation  of  the  mayor.  March  19,  the  army 
advanced  over  the  bridge  of  Plancy,  by  the  ford  of 
Charny,  over  the  two  arms  of  the  Aube,  through 
the  space  between  the  Aube  and  the  Seine,  and 
crossed  the  Seine  itself.  The  highway  between 
Troyes  and  Paris  was  in  their  hands,  and  the  enemy 
knew  a  moment  of  terror.  The  tidings  of  Napo- 
leon's return  to  the  Seine  disconcerted  the  leaders 
of  the  Coalition.  The  main  headquarters  of  the 
Allies  were  withdrawn  to  Troyes,  and  the  heavy  bag- 
gage was  sent  still  further  back;  and  a  retreat  to 
Bar  was  proposed.  The  Emperor  Alexander  was  so 
anxious  that  he  himself  said  that  half  of  his  hair 
would  turn  gray.  This  alarm,  however,  was  of  but 
brief  duration.  The  Czar  decided  that  instead  of  re- 
treating, the  armies  of  Silesia  and  of  Bohemia  ought  to 
unite  in  the  plains  of  Chalons.  Consequently  Bliicher 
drew  near  to  the  banks  of  the  Marne,  and  Schwarz- 


84  THE  INVASION   OF  18 U. 

enberg  moved  on  Arcis ;  there  it  was  that  Napoleon, 
under  the  impression  that  he  had  to  face  an  isolated 
army  corps,  was  about  to  meet  the  whole  army  of 
Bohemia. 

The  battle  of  Arcis-sur-Aube,  which  was  fought 
March  20,  1814,  and  continued  the  next  day,  was  the 
last  battle  but  one  that  Napoleon  fought;  the  very 
last  being  Waterloo.  Never  was  the  Emperor  in 
greater  peril.  For  the  first  time,  perhaps,  since  that 
terrible  campaign  had  begun,  he  was  overwhelmed  by 
despair  and  anxious  to  die.  When  the  enemy  were 
on  the  point  of  surrounding  him,  he  tried  to  draw 
his  sword,  but  it  had  rusted  in  its  scabbard,  and  it 
required  the  strength  of  his  two  equerries,  Foulers 
and  Saint  Aignan,  to  get  it  out.  At  the  same  moment, 
a  shell  fell  before  a  battalion  of  conscripts,  who  were 
not  yet  used  to  the  sight,  and  Napoleon  rode  his 
horse  over  the  shell  to  teach  them  to  despise  danger, 
and  doubtless,  too,  to  die  the  death  of  a  hero.  Ex- 
celmans  tried  to  stop  him.  "  Let  him  go,"  shouted 
Sebastiani ;  "  you  see  he  does  it  on  purpose :  he  wants 
to  end  it  all."  Napoleon  wanted  death,  but  death 
did  not  want  him.  The  shell  exploded,  and  for  a 
moment  he  was  lost  to  sight  in  a  cloud  of  flame  and 
smoke,  but  he  came  forth  safe  and  sound :  only  his 
horse  had  been  hit.  The  young  soldiers,  amazed  at 
the  Emperor's  boldness,  applauded  him,  and  broke 
into  cheers  when  he  got  on  another  horse.  His  dan- 
ger, however,  only  grew  greater  instead  of  less ;  a 
band  of  Russian  and  Bavarian  cavalry  renewed  their 


ARCIS-S  UR-A  UBE.  85 

charge.  It  seemed  certain  that  Napoleon,  who  was 
defended  by  a  mere  handful  of  men,  would  be  taken 
prisoner.  General  Drouot  saved  him:  he  saw  a  bat- 
tery abandoned  in  the  rout,  rallied  the  artillerymen, 
aimed  the  pieces  himself,  and  firing  into  the  mingled 
mass  of  the  French  and  the  enemy,  finally  cleared 
the  ground :  then  the  Emperor  charged  at  the  head 
of  the  four  squadrons  of  his  body-guard,  and  drove 
away  their  threatening  assailants. 

In  this  way  was  the  third  birthday  of  the  King  of 
Rome  celebrated.  How  vast  the  difference  between 
the  Tuileries  of  1811  and  this  battle-field  of  1814, 
between  the  salvos  of  artillery  announcing  the  birth 
of  an  heir  to  this  immense  Empire  and  roar  of  cannon 
in  this  last  battle  but  one,  when  the  desperate  war- 
rior vainly  sought  death !  Napoleon  was  often  to 
regret  that  he  had  been  spared  by  shell  and  bullet  at 
Arcis-sur-Aube,  and  remembered  this  when,  a  few 
weeks  later,  at  Fontainebleau,  after  his  abdication,  he 
vainly  attempted  to  poison  himself. 

The  battle  of  Arcis  forms  an  heroic  page  in  the 
Emperor's  history :  twenty  thousand  Frenchmen  had 
held  their  ground  against  a  body  which  was  enlarged 
from  forty  thousand  to  ninety  thousand  men.  When 
night  came,  the  French  army  gathered  under  the 
walls  of  the  houses  in  the  suburbs,  and  the  artillery 
duel  continued.  The  castle  of  M.  de  la  Briffe,  the 
Emperor's  headquarters,  was  thoroughly  riddled  by 
the  cannon-balls.  The  next  morning  Napoleon  was 
averse   to   retreating,  and  refused  to  believe  in  the 


86  THE  INVASION   OF  18 U. 

great  numerical  superiority  of  the  enemy ;  when  he 
was  convinced  by  the  evidence,  after  lashing  the 
ground  with  his  riding- whip,  which  he  always  did  in 
moments  of  great  excitement,  he  sacrificed  his  pride 
and  commanded  a  retreat.  There  being  but  one 
bridge  over  the  Aube,  he  had  another  built,  and  after 
keeping  his  troops  deployed  in  front  of  Arcis  while 
the  second  bridge  was  building,  he  suddenly  with- 
drew them  through  the  streets  of  the  town,  and  fol- 
lowing them  across  the  Aube,  had  both  bridges  de- 
stroyed. Prince  Schwarzenberg,  furious  at  seeing 
his  prey  escape,  tried  in  vain  to  cross  the  river.  This 
was  on  the  part  of  the  French  a  retreat,  though  an 
heroic  retreat.  Twice  in  ten  days  had  the  great 
general,  so  long  invincible,  been  compelled  to  retreat : 
at  Laon,  before  the  army  of  Silesia ;  at  Arcis,  before 
the  army  of  Bohemia.  His  prestige  was  lost ;  what 
more  could  he  do  ?  It  was  no  longer  possible  to  fight 
against  either  one  of  the  two  armies ;  how  would  it 
be  when  they  had  combined?  Would  he  have  to 
bow  his  head  and  humbly  beg  for  the  frontier  of 
1792  ?  The  untiring  hero  never  fancied  for  a  moment 
that  the  time  had  come  to  yield.  He  devised  a  new 
plan,  and  determined  to  march  towards  the  east,  in 
the  hope  of  uniting  the  garrisons  in  the  fortresses 
and  the  armed  peasants  in  the  outlying  departments, 
of  cutting  the  communications  of  the  Allies,  and  thus 
compelling  them  to  suspend  their  march  on  Paris. 

Napoleon  did  not  delay  the  execution  of  this  new 
plan,  which  was  bolder  than  anything  he  had  yet 


ARCIS-SUR-AUBE.  87 

done.  March  21,  he  had  just  abandoned  Arc  is  and 
crossed  the  Aube ;  when  he  had  got  out  of  the  pass, 
beyond  Ormes,  accompanied  only  by  his  equerry, 
Baron  de  Saint  Aignan,  he  stopped  and  asked  for  his 
field-glass ;  this  he  rested  on  the  equerry's  shoulder, 
while  he  examined  the  enemy's  army.  Then  he  re- 
mounted his  horse  and  rode  slowly  and  silently  along 
the  highroad.  "His  revery  became  so  profound," 
says  General  de  Se'gur,  "  that  his  hands  dropped  the 
reins  and  hung  motionless  by  his  side.  He  happened 
at  the  time  to  be  ascending  a  steep  path  alongside 
of  a  precipice,  down  which  the  least  misstep  might 
have  thrown  him.  Saint  Aignan,  not  stopping  to 
choose  his  words  in  his  eagerness,  warned  him  that 
there  was  no  railing:  he  barely  heard  him;  doubt- 
less at  that  moment  he  was  deciding  on  one  of  those 
important  steps  which  are  great  or  foolish,  according 
to  the  event." 

Meanwhile,  Marie  Louise  still  deceived  herself 
about  the  condition  of  France,  and  refused  to  believe 
that  diplomatic  negotiations  were  permanently  broken 
off.  Under  this  impression,  she  wrote  to  her  father, 
March  22,  a  letter,  in  which  she  said  :  "  The  nation  is 
full  of  courage  and  energy,  the  peasants  are  particu- 
larly aroused  by  the  bad  treatment  they  have  received. 
Your  troops  may  very  probably  be  beaten.  The  Em- 
peror's armies  are  finer  and  stronger  than  ever.  It  is 
for  your  interest  as  well  as  ours  to  propose  anew  the 
Frankfort  conditions.  Otherwise  you  may  be  com- 
pelled to   make   a  less   favorable   peace   in    a    few 


88  THE  INVASION   OF  18 U. 

months."  The  letter  ended  with  these  entreaties: 
"  In  the  name  of  all  you  hold  most  sacred,  I  beg  of 
you,  do  not  let  yourself  be  carried  away  by  the  greed 
of  the  English,  by  the  ambition  and  hatred  of  Count 
Stadion.  If  you  do,  you  will  sacrifice  the  interest  of 
your  Empire,  the  happiness  of  your  family,  and  your 
own  peace  of  mind.  The  humiliating  peace  proposed 
to  us  it  is  impossible  to  accept.  You  may  be  sure 
that  I  know  the  Emperor  and  that  he  will  never 
agree  to  it.  You  ought  to  return  to  the  Frankfort 
conditions,  the  only  ones  advantageous  to  France  and 
Austria." 

This  appeal  was  made  to  deaf  ears.  The  Allies, 
fired  by  their  last  victories,  determined  on  destroying 
Napoleon.  While  Schwarzenberg,  at  the  head  of  the 
army  of  Bohemia,  forced  the  passage  of  the  Aube  at 
Arcis,  Bliicher,  with  the  army  of  Silesia,  reached  the 
banks  of  the  Marne  by  way  of  Rheims.  He  had 
driven  back  towards  Chateau  Thierry  the  corps  of 
the  Duke  of  Ragusa  and  the  Duke  of  Treviso. 
March  23,  the  scouts  of  the  army  of  Silesia  and  of 
the  army  of  Bohemia  met  at  Poivre.  A  great  cry  of 
joy  arose  when  these  two  great  invading  armies  came 
in  sight  of  each  other.  Never,  since  the  time  of  At- 
tila  had  more  soldiers  been  assembled  on  the  vast  plain 
between  Chalons  and  Arcis-sur-Aube.  Two  hundred 
thousand  allies,  in  a  compact  body,  separated  the 
thirty-six  or  forty  thousand  worn-out  soldiers  of 
Napoleon,  on  his  way  to  Lorraine,  from  the  twenty- 
thousand  men  of   Marmont,  Mortier,  and   Pacthod, 


ARCIS-SUR-AUBE.  89 

scattered  between  Vertus  and  Suzanne.  The  evening 
of  March  23,  the  Allies  issued  a  proclamation 
announcing  to  France  the  breaking  off  of  the  negoti- 
ations of  CMtillon.  The  last  scene  of  the^military 
drama  was  approaching. 


VII. 


THE   MARCH   TO   THE  EAST. 

WITH  such  vast  forces  facing  him,  Napoleon 
was  unable  to  move  in  the  direction  of  his 
capital;  hence  he  conceived  another,  bolder  plan, 
which  might  have  been  successful  if  there  had  been 
no  traitors  in  France.  He  resolved  to  march  east- 
ward, and  cut  the  base  of  the  enemy's  operations.  In 
three  days  he  could  be  at  Metz,  and  there  he  could 
unite  the  garrisons  of  that  city,  of  Mayence,  Luxem- 
bourg, Thionville,  Verdun,  Strassburg,  amounting  to 
thirty  thousand  men,  await  a  re-enforcement  of  fifteen 
thousand  from  the  Low  Countries,  and  thus  soon  be 
at  the  head  of  an  army  of  one  hundred  thousand 
combatants.  He  hoped,  moreover,  that  Marshal 
Suchet,  who  had  been  sent  to  take  Augereau's  place 
in  command  of  the  army  of  Lyons,  would  be  able  to 
move  to  Besancon  with  forty  thousand  men,  and  that 
thus  the  face  of  things  would  be  entirely  changed. 
But  while  fearless  youths  and  courageous  veterans  did 
prodigies  of  valor  to  save  the  glory  of  France,  there 
were  men  who  did  not  blush  to  become  the  auxiliaries 
and  accomplices  of  the  foreigners.  They  were  not 
90 


THE  MARCH  TO   THE  EAST.  91 

the  men  of  whom  Napoleon  had  asked  the  greatest 
sacrifices  without  paying  them  with  promotion,  with 
office,  or  with  money,  and  who  had  shown  their  devo- 
tion by  tireless  effort.  No ;  they  were  the  men  whom 
he  loaded  with  gold,  with  titles,  with  rewards  of 
every  sort,  and  who  addressed  him  with  the  rankest 
flattery,  and  had  times  without  number  taken  oaths 
of  eternal  fidelity.  In  the  brilliant  mansions  which 
they  owed  to  his  generosity  they  formed  their 
treacherous  plans. 

France,  if  it  had  not  been  divided  against  itself, 
might  have  triumphed  over  all  its  enemies ;  but 
it  was  divided  into  two  hostile  camps, — the  Royalist 
and  the  Imperialist.  There  were  men  hastening  to 
join  the  white  flag  of  the  Bourbons  with  the  foreign 
flags,  and  eager  to  welcome  the  Cossacks  on  the  boule- 
vards as  liberators.  In  the  presence  of  such  senti- 
ments Napoleon's  plans  necessarily  fell  to  the  ground. 
It  is  easy  to  conceive  the  thoughts  of  the  patriotic 
soldiers  who  had  struggled  so  bravely  against  un- 
heard of  difficulties.  When  they  saw  a  handful  of 
traitors  overthrowing  the  whole  glorious  edifice,  and 
that  they  were  the  victims  of  their  fellow-country- 
men rather  than  of  the  foreigners,  that  all  their  heroic 
efforts  and  generous  bloodshed  had  been  thrown 
away,  they  exclaimed,  "We  have  not  been  con- 
quered ;  we  have  been  betrayed  I "  Their  cry  of 
grief  and  wrath  will  echo  from  one  age  to  another  as 
the  sublime  protest  of  honor  and  loyalty ! 

The  enemy  hesitated  on  hearing  of  Napoleon's  east- 


92  THE  INVASION    OF  I8I4. 


ward  march.  "  They  were  not  ignorant,"  says  M.  de 
Beauchamp,  in  his  History  of  the  Campaign  of  1814, 
"  that  secret  and  full  instructions  had  reached  the 
garrison  of  the  frontiers  on  the  Rhine  and  the  Mo- 
selle, to  march  forth  at  a  given  signal,  and  to  join 
the  army  to  be  sent  into  Lorraine.  .  .  .  But  what 
required  the  most  serious  attention  was  the  disposi- 
tion shown  by  a  great  many  of  the  peasants  of  Lor- 
raine, Champagne,  Alsace,  Franche-Comt£,  and  Bur- 
gundy, who  it  appeared  .  .  .  were  ready  to  rise  at 
the  slightest  defeat,  to  cut  the  bridges  and  destroy 
the  roads,  to  burn  the  supplies,  to  annoy  and  starve 
out  the  enemy ;  in  a  word,  to  change  the  war  into  a 
national  uprising,  in  answer  to  Napoleon's  efforts." 

An  eye-witness  who  is  above  suspicion  is  Mr.  Rob- 
ert Wilson,  an  Englishman,  from  whom  we  quote : 
"The  Allies,"  he  says,  speaking  of  the  campaign  of 
1814,  "were  in  a  vicious  circle,  from  which  their 
only  escape  was  the  treachery  of  some  of  the  French. 
They  could  not  keep  open  the  line  of  retreat,  and 
yet  retreat  seemed  unavoidable.  This  treachery  that 
favored  them,  and  had  been  carefully  prepared,  came 
into  effect  at  the  very  moment  when  Napoleon's  suc- 
cess seemed  assured;  and  his  movement  towards 
Saint  Dizier,  which  should  have  secured  the  safety 
of  his  Empire,  lost  him  his  crown." 

Who  were  the  Frenchmen  whose  treachery  thus 
aided  the  foreigners  ?  Let  us  listen  to  one  of  them, 
the  Abbe*  de  Pradt,  Archbishop  of  Mechlin,  one  of 
Napoleon's  most  prominent  courtiers,  a  man  whom  he 


THE  MARCH  TO   THE  EAST.  93 

had  loaded  with  benefits.  In  his  account  of  the  Res- 
toration, he  says :  "  The  Allies,  thus  occupying  a  new 
position  amid  unfamiliar  surroundings,  were  anxious 
to  depend  on  the  information  of  people  whom  they 
supposed  more  familiar  with  the  internal  condi- 
tion of  France.  M.  de  Talleyrand  and  M.  de  Dal- 
berg  had  especially  attracted  their  attention.  .  .  . 
Though  I  had  but  few  claims  to  this  honor,  it  had 
yet  been  accorded  me.  Even  our  future  had  been 
provided  for,  in  case  it  had  been  compromised  by 
events.  .  .  .  Our  meetings  with  the  persons  men- 
tioned above  continued:  sometimes  they  were  fre- 
quent in  one  day.  The  Chatillon  Congress  was  our 
bane.  Not  a  day  passed  without  our  undermining 
and  destroying  the  Emperor's  power,  without  our 
hastening  the  day  of  his  fall.  The  French  armies  lay 
between  Paris  and  the  Allies,  and  it  was  with  the 
greatest  difficulty  that  we  maintained  communication 
with  them.  The  first  one  to  triumph  over  the  obstacles 
was  M.  de  Vitrolles,  and  it  was  through  him  that  the 
ministers  of  the  great  Powers  began  to  receive  posi- 
tive information  about  the  condition  of  internal 
affairs,  of  which  they  had  been  in  utter  ignorance." 
M.  de  Vitrolles  was  a  baron  of  the  Empire,  an 
Imperial  official,  a  postal  agent.  M.  de  Lavalette, 
his  superior,  did  not  in  the  least  suspect  him, 
and  entrusted  him  with  the  arrangement  of  regular 
communications  with  Italy,  by  passage  through 
Switzerland  and  the  rear  of  the  enemy's  army.  M. 
de  Vitrolles   pretended   to  accept   this  mission,  but' 


94  THE  INVASION   OF  18 U. 

really  went  to  the  headquarters  of  the  Allies,  and 
then  to  the  Count  d'Artois. 

As  for  M.  de  Talleyrand,  whom  the  Emperor  had 
made  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  Prince  of  Bene- 
vento,  a  high  dignitary  of  the  Empire,  who  to  all 
appearance  was  the  humble  servant  and  attentive 
courtier  of  the  Regent,  he  too  conspired,  but  very 
prudently;  for  he  desired  to  overthrow  the  Empire 
without  himself  running  the  slightest  risk.  While 
he  was  secretly  weaving  his  Royalist  plots,  he  made 
a  great  show  of  friendship  for  the  Duke  of  Rovigo, 
the  Minister  of  Police,  and  pretended  to  be  very 
zealous  in  informing  him  of  the  plots  and  intrigues 
of  the  Count  d'Artois.  The  Duke  of  Rovigo  sus- 
pected double  dealing,  but  he  did  not  feel  sure.  "  I 
was  riding,"  he  says  in  his  Memoirs,  "when  it 
occurred  to  me  to  pass  by  the  house  of  Prince 
Talleyrand.  I  saw  the  carriage  of  the  Archbishop  of 
Mechlin  at  his  door.  I  fancied  that  they  were  in 
conference.  Being  anxious  to  make  sure,  instead  of 
riding  into  the  courtyard,  I  alighted  in  the  street, 
and  entered  swiftly  on  foot.  The  janitor  knew  me 
and  did  not  dare  to  stop  me.  I  hastily  ascended  the 
staircase  and  reached  M.  de  Talleyrand's  private 
room  without  meeting  any  one  ;  he  was  alone  with 
the  Archbishop.  My  sudden  entrance  startled  them 
as  much  as  if  I  had  come  in  through  the  window. 
The  conversation,  which  had  been  animated,  stopped 
short;  they  were  both  struck  dumb.  The  face  of 
the  Archbishop  especially  expressed  great  agitation. 


THE  MARCH   TO   THE  EAST.  95 

Their  confusion  suggested  to  me  the  subject  of  their 
talk,  and  I  could  not  keep  from  saying :  '  This  time 
you  won't  deny  it ;  I  have  caught  you  conspiring.' 
I  had  guessed  right.  They  began  to  laugh  and  tried 
to  make  some  reply ;  but  it  was  in  vain  that  I  asked 
them  to  resume  their  conversation :  they  could  not. 
I  withdrew,  convinced  that  they  were  weaving  some 
plot,  but  what  it  was  I  did  not  know." 

In  the  Memorial  of  Saint  Selena  we  read :  "  When 
about  to  leave  the  Tuileries,  Napoleon,  who  already 
expected  treason,  determined  to  seize  the  man  who 
in  fact  turned  out  to  be  the  soul  of  the  conspiracy 
that  overthrew  him.  He  was  only  prevented  by  the 
assurances,  and  we  might  almost  say  the  almost 
personal  guarantee,  of  some  of  the  ministers,  who 
proved  to  him  that  the  one  suspected  was  the  very 
man  whom  the  Bourbons  most  feared."  These,  min- 
isters were  mistaken.  As  Thiers  has  said :  -"  Some 
insinuations  of  persons  in  relation  with  the  Bourbons 
had  informed  M.  de  Talleyrand,  what  in  fact  he 
already  knew,  that  the  services  of  a  married  bishop 
would  be  very  well  received  by  the  most  pious  princes, 
for  there  is  nothing  which  is  not  forgotten  in  the  face 
of  services  not  rendered,  but  to  be  rendered.  Parties 
have  memories  only  for  what  they  please ;  according 
to  their  necessities,  they  forget  everything  or  remem- 
ber everything."  There  is  much  truth  in  this  last 
statement  of  the  historian. 

When  the  treason  was  once  organized,  secret  emis- 
saries were  despatched  to  the  enemy's  camp.     "  You 


96  THE  INVASION   OF  1814. 

have  the  game  in  your  hands,  and  yet  hold  back ;  be 
bold !  "  They  added :  "  Paris  detests  its  tyrant,  and 
only  your  presence  is  needed  for  proclamation  to  be 
made  of  his  deposition  and  for  the  Bourbons  to  be 
summoned."  Still  the  Allies  hesitated,  when,  in  the 
night  of  March  23,  Emperor  Alexander  and  Prince 
Schwarzenberg,  who  were  staying  at  the  castle  of 
Dampierre,  received  information  of  two  letters  that 
had  been  intercepted,  one  from  Marie  Louise,  the 
other  from  the  Duke  of  Rovigo,  both  addressed  to 
Napoleon.  These  two  letters  proved  the  existence  in 
Paris  of  a  party  in  league  with  the  foreigners,  When 
he  had  read  these  letters,  the  Czar  decided  that  the 
march  on  Paris  should  begin  at  sunrise  the  next 
morning.  He  left  Dampierre  early  the  next  day,  the 
24th,  and  met  the  King  of  Prussia  and  Bliicher  at 
Sompuis.  The  allied  armies  then  started,  the  army 
of  Silesia  on  the  right,  that  of  Bohemia  on  the  left, 
for  F&re-Champenoise,  moving  towards  the  capital 
between  the  Marne  and  the  Seine.  The  Emperor  of 
Russia  and  the  King  of  Prussia  marched  with  their 
troops.  As  for  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  who  was 
less  eager  than  his  allies,  he  was  then  at  Bar-sur-Aube, 
and  he  was  advised  not  to  join  the  invading  column, 
lest  he  should  fall  into  the  hands  of  his  son-in-law; 
and  he  was  persuaded  to  return  to  Dijon,  that  he 
might  be  spared  the  dethronement  of  his  own 
daughter. 

Meanwhile,  Napoleon  was   continuing   his  march 
eastward.     March   21,   he   had  spent   the   night  at 


THE  MARCH  TO   THE  EAST.  97 

Sompuis ;  the  22d,  he  crossed  the  Marne  at  the  ford 
of  Frignicourt;  the  23d,  he  slept  at  Saint  Dizier,  where 
he  was  met  by  the  Duke  of  Vicenza  returning  from 
the  Chatillon  Congress.  "  You  did  well  to  return," 
the  Emperor  said  to  him  ;  "  for  I  will  tell  you  frankly, 
if  you  had  accepted  the  ultimatum  of  the  Allies,  I 
should  have  disavowed  you.  .  .  .  This  time  it  shall 
not  be  said  that  I  am  fighting  for  my  ambition,  for  it 
would  be  easy  to  save  my  throne;  but  my  throne, 
with  France  humiliated,  is  not  what  I  want.  .  .  . 
You  are  going  to  see  some  great  things.  I  am  going 
to  march  on  the  fortified  towns,  and  assemble  thirty 
or  forty  thousand  men  in  a  few  days.  Evidently  the 
enemy  are  following  me.  There  is  no  other  explan- 
ation of  the  mass  of  cavalry  surrounding  us.  My 
sudden  appearance  on  their  rear  has  brought  Schwarz- 
enberg  back,  and  he  will  not  dare  to  move  on  Paris 
while  I  am  threatening  his  communications.  Soon  I 
shall  have  a  hundred  thousand  men ;  then  I  shall  fall 
on  whichever  is  nearer,  Bliicher  or  Schwarzenberg. 
I  shall  crush  him,  and  the  peasants  of  Burgundy  will 
finish  him.  The  Coalition  is  nearer  its  own  ruin  than 
mine  ;  and  if  I  triumph,  we  shall  tear  up  those  abom- 
inable treaties.  If  I  am  mistaken,  well,  we  shall  die ; 
we  shall  do  what  so  many  of  our  old  companions  in 
arms  do  every  day ;  but  we  shall  at  least  die  with  our 
honor  untainted." 

Napoleon  was  full  of  enthusiasm,  and  had  genuine 
confidence  in  the  success  of  the  bold  plan  he  had 
formed.     His   generals,   however,  did  not  have  the 


98  THE  INVASION   OF  18 U. 

same  faith.  In  the  next  room  they  were  muttering : 
"Where  are  we  going?  What  will  become  of  us? 
If  he  falls,  shall  we  fall  with  him  ?  "  As  soon  as  the 
Emperor  appeared,  every  one  kept  a  respectful  silence. 
"  Yet,"  says  General  de  Se*gur,  "  he  felt  very  clearly 
that  the  bravest  were  astonished,  that  human  strength 
could  do  no  more,  that  everything  was  exhausted. 
But  his  grandeur  held  itself  aloof  from  these  mur- 
murs ;  he  was  still  beyond  their  reach  ;  such  was  the 
habit  of  command  on  his  side,  of  obedience  on  theirs. 
Yet  they  respected  his  misfortune,  and  respected 
themselves  in  his  presence ;  and  whatever  their 
despondency  behind  his  back,  they  concealed  it  from 
him.,, 

March  24,  Napoleon  marched  to  Joinville ;  the 
25th,  he  pushed  on  his  light  cavalry  to  Chaumont. 
He  fancied  that  he  was  pursued  by  the  whole  of 
Schwarzenberg's  army,  while  in  fact  he  had  behind 
him  only  a  few  thousand  of  Witzingerode's  cavalry  ; 
and  he  imagined  Paris  relieved  at  the  very  moment 
it  was  about  to  fall. 

Mortier  and  Marmont  had  been  attacked  on  the 
Aisne,  the  moment  the  Emperor  left  them,  and  had 
been  forced  to  evacuate  Rheims,  in  order  to  cover  the 
capital.  But  at  F£re-Champenoise,  March  25,  they 
fell  in  with  the  whole  army  of  Bohemia,  and  fought 
most  bravely,  though  outnumbered  ten  to  one.  They 
were  only  saved  from  annihilation  by  Pacthod's  divi- 
sion, which  had  been  marching  for  four  days  to  join 
them.     This  division,  which  had  been  made  immortal 


THE  MARCH  TO   THE  EAST.  99 

by  its  courage,  consisted  entirely  of  National  Guards. 
Its  general  exclaimed :  u  There  is  no  surrender  in  the 
open  field.  Military  law,  and,  above  all,  honor,  for- 
bids it.  Besides,  when  the  country  is  lost,  who 
wishes  to  survive  it  ?  Let  us  then  swear  to  die  for 
it !  "  and  they  all  swore  it. 

March  27,  Napoleon  heard  of  the,  disaster  of  Fere- 
Champenoise  by  a  bulletin  found  on  a  prisoner. 
When  he  heard  that  the  troops  of  Marmont  and 
Mortier  were  routed,  and  that  the  Allies  were  mov- 
ing on  Paris,  flushed  with  victory,  he  was  most  sorely 
perplexed.  Macdonald  urged  him  to  pursue  his 
movement  eastward  without  concerning  himself 
about  Paris.  "  Let  me  consider,"  said  the  Emperor. 
"  I  must  be  alone."  His  thoughts  were  most  bitter. 
He,  the  most  audacious  of  men,  for  the  first  time  in 
his  life  was  outdone  in  audacity  by  his  adversaries. 
What  was  to  become  of  Paris  ?  Was  not  a  revolu- 
tion there  imminent?  And  if  Louis  XVIII.  were  pro- 
claimed in  the  capital,  what  would  he,  Napoleon,  be 
in  the  departments  of  the  east?  The  commander  of 
an  Imperial  Vendue,  a  sort  of  adventurer  or  leader  of 
a  band.  The  whole  night  of  the  27  th  he  spent  at 
Saint  Dizier,  poring  over  his  maps,  eagerly  measur- 
ing the  distances.  Which  was  the  shortest  road  to 
Paris  ?  That  of  Ce*zanne  to  Coulommiers.  But  that 
road  led  to  the  Marne,  and  all  the  passages  were 
guarded  by  the  enemy.  It  would  be  better  to  take 
the  road  through  Troyes,  although  it  was  far  from 
straight.     Napoleon  hesitated  no  longer;    Paris  be- 


100  THE  INVASION   OF  18 14. 

came  his  sole  objective  point.  But  would  he  arrive 
in  time  ?  Would  he  not  find  the  capital  in  posses- 
sion of  the  Royalists  and  the  Allies  ?  With  feverish 
impatience  the  Emperor  gave  the  preparatory  orders, 
and  March  28,  he  set  his  troops  in  motion,  starting 
from  Saint  Dizier ;  he  spent  that  night  at  Doulevent. 
There  he  received  a  messenger  from  M.  de  Lavalette, 
the  bearer  of  a  letter  running  thus :  "  The  friends 
of  the  foreigners,  encouraged  by  what  is  going  on  at 
Bordeaux,  are  raising  their  heads ;  they  are  aided 
by  secret  plots.  The  presence  of  Napoleon  is  neces- 
sary if  he  wishes  to  prevent  the  surrender  of  the  capi- 
tal to  the  enemy.     Not  a  moment  must  be  lost." 

March  29,  the  Emperor  was  again  on  horseback 
before  day.  Towards  two  in  the  afternoon  he 
reached  at  the  bridge  of  Doulancourt,  the  highroad 
of  Troyes,  whence  he  could  advance  either  on  Paris 
or  on  Lorraine.  He  hesitated  for  a  moment.  The 
wisest  of  his  officers  wanted  to  continue  the  march 
to  the  east,  and  their  despair  was  great  when  they 
saw  Napoleon,  abandoning  this  plan,  cross  the  Aube 
and  take  the  road  to  Troyes,  commanding  his  troops 
to  follow  him  toward  Paris,  at  double  quick,  night 
and  day. 

We  read  in  the  Memorial  of  Saint  Helena :  "  The 
Emperor  much  regretted  that  at  Saint  Dizier  and  at 
Doulevent  he  had  yielded  to  the  many  arguments  that 
urged  him  against  his  will  to  return  to  Paris.  4 1  lacked 
firmness,'  he  said.  '  I  ought  steadily  to  have  carried 
out  my  plan  of  advancing  to  the  Rhine,  strengthen- 


THE  MARCH  TO   THE  EAST.  -     101 

ing  myself  with  all  my  garrisons,  putting  myself  at 
the  head  of  the  insurgent  populace  :  I  should  have 
had  an  immense  army.  Murat  would  have  returned 
to  me  at  once ;  he  and  the  Viceroy  would  have  given 
me  Vienna  if  the  Allies  had  dared  to  take  Paris.  But 
no ;  the  enemy  would  have  shuddered  at  the  dangers 
they  were  in,  and  the  Allied  sovereigns  would  have 
regarded  as  a  favor  the  chance  to  retreat.' " 

The  die  was  cast,  and  Napoleon  had  chosen  the 
other  course.  He  commanded  General  Dejean  to 
leave  at  full  speed  to  announce  to  the  Parisians  his 
return.  The  troops  marched  with  wonderful  celer- 
ity. The  Imperial  Guard  and  the  baggage-train 
made  fifteen  leagues  in  a  single  day.  March  29, 
Napoleon  slept  at  Troyes.  He  was  off  again  the 
morning  o£  the  30th,  and  advanced  as  far  as  Vil- 
leneuve-l'Archeveque,  where  he  stopped  for  a  few 
moments  alone  with  Ney  in  a  little  cabin.  "  Well, 
Ney,"  he  said,  "  what  do  you  think  of  this  hut  and 
of  our  situation?  Don't  you  think  we  should  be 
lucky  if  we  could  be  sure  of  such  a  retreat  for  our 
old  age  ?  "  From  Villeneuve-F  Archeveque,  the  march 
lost  its  military  aspect.  Being  sure  of  the  safety  of 
the  road,  he  went  on  ahead  of  his  troops,  jumped  into 
a  wagon  with  Caulaincourt  and  Berthier,  and  drove 
swiftly  through  Moret  and  Fontainebleau,  urging  the 
postilions  to  full  speed.  At  last,  at  six  in  the  even- 
ing, he  reached  Fromenteau,  but  five  leagues  distant 
from  his  capital.     He  was  too  late ! 

What  had  happened  in  Paris  ? 


VIII. 

PARIS  AT  THE  END   OF  MARCH. 

IN  the  last  days  of  March  Paris  was  filled  with  the 
keenest  anxiety.  No  news  was  received  from 
the  Emperor ;  it  was  uncertain  whether  the  enemy 
was  retreating  or  marching  on  the  capital.  The 
Ministers  had  no  more  information  than  the  public, 
and  gloomy  forebodings  announced  the  approaching 
disasters. 

One  evening  the  Empress,  as  was  her  habit,  received 
a  few  persons  at  the  Tuileries.  Calm  and  self-con- 
trolled, she  gave  no  sign  of  her  distress.  She  had 
invited  the  Duke  of  Rovigo,  but  when  she  had  sat 
down  at  the  card-table  she  would  not  let  the  cards 
be  taken  from  their  case :  she  no  longer  cared  to  play. 
A  few  minutes  later  she  took  the  Duke  aside  and 
asked  him  if  he  had  received  any  letters  from  the 
Emperor.  He  answered,  "No."  "Well,"  she  then 
said,  "  I  will  give  you  news  about  him ;  I  heard  from 
him  this  morning."  And  when  Savary  expressed  sur- 
prise, saying  that  no  courier  had  arrived,  the  Regent 
added :  "  That  is  true ;  no  courier  has  arrived ;  and 
I  shall  surprise  you  still  more  when  I  tell  you  that 
102 


PAlilS  AT  Till-;   END  OF  MARCH.  103 

Marshal  Blucher  has  sent  me  a  letter  from  the 
Emperor,  which,  he  says,  was  found  with  many  others 
on  a  courier  who  was  captured  by  the  enemy.  To 
tell  you  the  truth,  I  am  very  anxious,  for  I  have 
thought  of  what  may  result  from  this  accident.  The 
Emperor,  ever  since  his  departure,  has  written  to 
me  in  cipher;  all  these  letters  have  reached  me 
safely;  this  one,  not  in  cipher,  is  the  only  one  in 
which  he  speaks  to  me  about  his  plan,  and  that 
must  be  the  one  to  fall  into  the  enemy's  hands. 
There  is  a  fatality  about  that  which  makes  me  very 
sad." 

In  this  letter  Napoleon  announced  his  march  to 
the  east,  tried  to  reassure  her  about  the  consequences 
of  this  movement,  and  bade  her  not  to  be  surprised 
if  she  should  not  hear  from  him  for  some  days.  When 
Marshal  Blucher  had  captured  the  bearer  of  this  let- 
ter, he  forwarded  the  letter  to  the  outposts  under  a 
flag  of  truce,  that  it  might  reach  the  Empress  after 
it  had  been  read  by  him.  It  ended  with  these  words : 
"  This  step  saves  me  or  ruins  me." 

Marie  Louise  perfectly  understood  the  extreme 
gravity  of  the  situation.  Without  a  single  adviser 
capable  of  reassuring  her  by  his  energy,  she  felt  that 
everything  about  her  was  crumbling.  She  had  no 
confidence  in  her  brothers-in-law ;  she  had  seen  Napo- 
leon quarrel  with  them  all.  She  knew  how  hard  he 
had  found  it  to  become  reconciled  with  Joseph,  whom 
she  suspected  of  jealousy  of  her  and  of  secret  in- 
trigue against  the  Emperor.     She   knew,  also,  how 


104  THE  INVASION   OF  18 U. 

annoyed  the  Emperor  had  been  when,  January  1, 
1814,  Louis  had  come  to  Paris  without  permission 
and  had  stayed  with  his  mother.  Then  an  order  had 
been  conveyed  to  him  to  move  to  a  distance  of  forty 
leagues  from  the  capital,  but  he  refused  to  obey.  "  No 
one,"  he  said,  "  has  any  right  to  prevent  my  staying 
at  my  own  house."  It  was  not  till  January  10,  that, 
thanks  to  the  Empress's  intervention,  he  was  able  to 
get  admission  to  the  Emperor.  The  interview  was  a 
cold  one ;  the  two  brothers  did  not  kiss.  "  I  should 
prefer  that  Holland  return  to  the  power  of  the  house 
of  Orange  rather  than  to  that  of  my  brother."  The 
pacific  counsels  and  wise  warnings  that  he  received 
from  Louis  during  the  campaign  irritated  him  ex- 
tremely. He  never  pardoned  him  for  a  letter,  written 
March  16,  which  was  simply  prophetic,  and  in  which 
the  former  King  of  Holland  wrote  thus :  "  If  Your 
Majesty  does  not  sign  peace,  you  may  be  sure  that 
your  government  will  not  last  more  than  three  weeks. 
It  needs  only  a  little  coolness  and  common  sense  to 
judge  the  state  of  affairs." 

As  for  Jerome,  Napoleon,  before  leaving  for  the 
field,  had  refused  to  receive  him  at  the  Tuileries,  and, 
February  4,  1814,  the  Empress  had  been  forced  to 
write  to  Joseph :  — 

"  My  dear  Brother  :  I  have  this  moment  received 
a  letter  from  the  Emperor  on  the  2d,  in  which,  in 
answer  to  mine,  he  forbids  my  receiving  on  any  pre- 
text the  King  and  Queen  of  Westphalia,  in  public  or 
incognito.     Hence  I  beg  of  you,  my  dear  brother,  to 


PARIS  AT  THE  END  OF  MARCH.  105 

express  to  them  all  the  regret  I  feel  at  not  being 
able  to  see  them  to-morrow,  and  to  believe  in  the 
sincere  friendship  with  which  I  am,  my  dear  brother, 
your  affectionate  sister." 

February  21,  Napoleon  was  somewhat  better  dis- 
posed towards  Jerome.  That  day  he  wrote  from 
Nogent-sur-Seine  to  Joseph :  — 

"My  Brother:  These  are  my  wishes  about  the 
King  of  Westphalia:  I  authorize  him  to  wear  the 
coat  of  a  grenadier  of  my  guard,  the  permission  I 
grant  to  all  the  French  Princes :  you  will  inform 
King  Louis  of  this.  It  is  absurd  for  him  to  wear  a 
Dutch  uniform.  King  Jerome  will  at  once  get  rid  of 
his  Westphalian  household.  .  .  .  Immediately  after- 
wards, the  King  and  Queen  will  be  presented  to  the 
Empress,  and  I  authorize  the  King  to  occupy  the 
house  of  Cardinal  Fesch,  since  it  appears  to  belong  to 
him,  and  to  establish  his  household  there.  The  King 
and  Queen  will  continue  to  bear  the  title  of  King 
and  Queen  of  Westphalia,  but  they  will  have  no 
Westphalian  in  their  suite.  When  that  is  done,  the 
King  will  come  to  my  headquarters,  when  I  intend 
to  send  him  to  Lyons,  to  take  command  of  that  city, 
of  the  department  and  the  army,  if  he  will  promise  to 
be  always  at  the  outposts,  and  to  have  no  royal  reti- 
nue, no  extravagance,  not  more  than  fifteen  horses, 
to  bivouac  with  his  soldiers,  and  not  to  let  a  gun  be 
fired  without  being  at  the  front."  This  plan  fell 
through.  Like  Joseph  and  Louis,  Jerome  stayed  in 
Paris  until  after  the  Empress  had  left.     Since  they 


106  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

inspired  no  confidence  in  the  Emperor,  how  could 
they  in  her  ? 

Meanwhile,  alarm  was  spreading  everywhere,  and 
Paris  was  in  the  wildest  confusion.  With  the  excep- 
tion of  a  few  traitors  who  actually  rejoiced  in  the 
public  misfortunes,  the  populace  was  panic-stricken. 
They  were  afraid  that  the  city  would  be  sacked,  and 
had  but  little  doubt  that  it  would  be  burned,  like 
Moscow.  When  news  came  that  the  Emperor  Alex- 
ander and  the  King  of  Prussia  had  slept  at  Coulom- 
miers,  only  fourteen  leagues  from  Paris,  and  the 
country  people  began  to  drive  their  herds  before 
them  and  to  throng  into  the  city  with  such  of  their 
belongings  as  they  could  load  on  their  carts,  the 
terror  was  complete. 

Idle  and  discontented  patriots  wandered  through 
the  suburbs  and  along  the  boulevards,  demanding 
arms  and  denouncing  the  indifference  of  the  govern- 
ment. The  disseminators  of  bad  news  thronged  the 
cafe's,  the  theatres,  —  for  the  theatres,  oddly  enough, 
were  not  closed,  —  the  streets,  and  public  places, 
spreading  abroad  the  wildest  rumors.  There  was  no 
one  to  stop  them;  there  was  no  police,  no  govern- 
ment. National  resistance,  a  great  popular  uprising, 
was  something  impossible.  On  the  battle-field  of 
Arcis-sur-Aube  Napoleon  had  said  to  General  Se*bas- 
tiani,  who  asked  him  why  he  did  not  summon  the 
nation  to  rise :  "  That's  a  wild  dream  based  on  mem- 
ories of  Spain  and  the  French  Revolution.  It  is  use- 
less to  call  upon  a  nation  in  which  the  Revolution 


PARIS  AT  THE  END   OF  MARCH.  107 

has  destroyed  the  priests  and  the  nobles,  and  in  which 
I  have  myself  destroyed  the  Revolution  !  " 

Napoleon  was  right.  To  defend  Paris  against  two 
hundred  thousand  Allies,  to  protect  the  city  with 
barricades,  to  have  the  tocsin  sounded,  to  determine 
to  conquer  or  die,  required  patriotism  and  religious 
sentiment.  It  demanded  monks  like  those  of  Sara- 
gossa,  to  set  the  Holy  Sacrament  before  the  attacking 
hordes,  and  a  band  of  fanatics,  like  the  men  who 
burned  Moscow,  who  chose  rather  to  see  the  city  in 
flames  than  in  the  hands  of  foreigners.'  Paris  was 
moved  by  a  very  different  feeling,  —  a  yearning  for 
safety.  A  few  heroes  swore  that  they  would  die  be- 
fore they  saw  the  great  capital  polluted  by  the  pres- 
ence of  the  foreigners;  but  most  of  the  inhabitants 
said  that  Paris  could  not,  should  not,  and  would  not 
be  sacrificed  merely  to  prolong  the  tottering  power  of 
the  Emperor.  The  National  Guard  did  not  represent 
the  people ;  it  was  drawn  solely  from  the  middle 
classes,  and  even  for  its  scanty  members  —  only  about 
twelve  thousand  men — there  were  not  more  than  three 
thousand  muskets.  Either  through  improvidence,  or 
the  desire  not  to  alarm  the  populace,  no  serious  prep- 
arations for  defence  had  been  made.  There  were  mag- 
nificent fortifications,  rich  arsenals,  abundant  troops  at 
Dantzic,  Hamburg,  Flushing,  Palma  Nuova,  Venice, 
Alessandria  —  but  in  Paris,  actually  nothing!  —  no 
armament,  no  muskets,  no  cannon,  no  fortifications, 
with  the  exception  of  a  few  wretched  palisades  in  the 
suburbs.     To  oppose  the  two  hundred  thousand  well- 


108  THE  INVASION  OF  18 U. 

trained  and  fully-equipped  invaders  there  were  only 
about  twenty- five  thousand  men,  including  the  troops 
of  Marshals  Marmont  and  Mortier,  who  had  just 
reached  Charenton,  those  of  General  Compans,  a  few 
battalions  hastily  formed  from  the  guards  of  the 
public  buildings,  and  finally  the  twelve  thousand 
National  Guardsmen,  most  of  whom  were  armed  only 
with  pikes. 

Meanwhile  the  enemy  was  advancing ;  the  cannon 
could  heard  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  capital.  What 
was  Marie  Louise  to  do?  Should  she  leave  Paris 
or  remain?  This  question  was  to  be  discussed  at 
a  council  held  at  the  Tuileries  in  the  evening  of 
March  28. 

It  was  one  of  the  most  pathetic  deliberations  re- 
corded in  history;  and  although  it  resulted  in  the 
fall  of  the  Imperial  power,  the  Emperor  was  unable 
to  blame  his  councillors,  for  their  determination  was 
in  strict  accordance  with  his  orders.  The  Empress 
Regent  presided  over  the  meeting,  at  which  were 
present  King  Joseph;  Talleyrand,  Prince  of  Bene- 
vento,  Vice  Grand  Elector ;  Cambace'r^s,  Prince  of 
Parma,  Archchancellor ;  Lebrun,  Duke  of  Piacenza, 
Archtreasurer ;  M.  de  Mole*,  Chief  of  Justice  :  M.  de 
Montalivet,  Minister  of  the  Interior;  Clarke,  Duke 
of  Feltre,  Minister  of  War ;  M.  Bigot  de  Pr^ameneu, 
Minister  of  Worship ;  M.  de  Sussy,  Minister  of  Com- 
merce ;  Champagny,  Duke  of  Cadore,  Secretary  of 
State  j  Gaudin,  Duke  of  Gaeta,  Minister  of  Fi- 
nance; M.  Mollien,  Minister  of  the  Public  Treasury ; 


PARIS  AT  THE  END  OF  MARCH.  109 

M.  Daru,  Minister  of  the  Administration  of  War; 
Savary,  Duke  of  llovigo,  Minister  of  Police ;  Duke 
Decrds,  Minister  of  the  Navy;  M.  de  Lacepede, 
President  of  the  Senate  ;  Regnier,  Duke  of  Massa, 
President  of  the  Legislative  Body;  Messrs.  Reg- 
nault  de  Saint  Jean  d'Angely,  Boulay  (of  Meurthe), 
Merlin  (of  Douai),  Muraire,  Cessac,  and  Fermont, 
Ministers  of  State.  The  meeting  began  at  half-past 
eight  p.m. 

The  Minister  of  War,  Clarke,  Duke  of  Feltre,  was 
the  first  to  speak.  "Listening  to  the  Minister  of 
War,"  says  the  Duke  of  Rovigo,  "  it  was  hard  to 
escape  from  evil  forebodings ;  his  speech  was  a  com- 
bination of  loyalty,  prudence,  adulation,  and  indepen- 
dence, out  of  which  nothing  could  be  made.  He 
seemed  to  wish  to  say :  '  I  have  given  you  full  warn- 
ing ;  I  wash  my  hands  of  everything  else.' "  Clarke 
spoke  at  length  of  the  dangers  threatening  the  cap- 
ital, on  the  petty  number  of  its  defenders,  of  the 
impossibility  of  the  Emperor's  arriving  in  time  to 
save  it ;  and  after  accompanying  this  dreary  statement 
with  numerous  protestations,  of  untiring  devotion, 
he  urged  the  immediate  departure  of  the  Empress 
and  of  the  King  of  Rome,  who,  in  his  opinion,  should 
be  sent  at  once  to  the  Loire,  out  of  reach  of  the 
enemy. 

M.  Boulay  opposed  the  views  of  the  Minister  of 
War,  with  great  energy.  He  said  that  if  the  capital 
was  left  to  the  influence  of  the  foreigners  and  the 
intrigues  of  the  Royalists,  all  was  lost;  that  flight 


110  THE  INVASION  OF  18X4. 

would  be  to  set  an  example  for  surrender,  and  would 
discourage  and  depress  brave  men  who  had  sworn  to 
Napolepn  to  defend  his  wife  and  his  son ;  that  Paris, 
without  the  Empress,  would  be  like  a  corpse ;  and 
that  her  departure  Would  be  in  fact  a  dissolution  of 
the  Regency,  and  the  abdication  of  the  Empire.  He 
added  that  the  Empress,  so  far  from  following  this 
pusillanimous  advice,  should  take  her  son  in  her  arms 
and  show  herself  to  the  people,  pass  through  the 
streets,  boulevard,  and  suburbs,  and  go  to  the  H6tel 
de  Ville,  to  give  an  example  of  heroic  resolution. 
The  populace  would  applaud  her,  and  in  this  solemn 
moment  would  repeat  what  the  Hungarians  had  cried 
out  to  her  ancestress,  Maria  Theresa :  "  Moriamur  pro 
rege  nostro  !  " 

These  eloquent  words  greatly  moved  the  Council. 
The  Dukes  of  Rovigo,  of  Massa,  of  Cadore,  were 
especially  conspicuous  for  the  ardor  with  which  they 
expressed  their  approval.  King  Joseph  and  Cam- 
baee*rds  said  not  a  word.  The  Empress,  anxious  and 
silent,  closely  scanned  her  councillors. 

Then  Prince  Talleyrand  spoke.  Every  one  suspected 
his  fidelity  to  the  Empire,  and  there  was  general 
curiosity  to  know  what  this  able  but  dangerous  man 
would  advise.  He  was  grave  and  calm,  and  spoke 
with  that  imposing  authority,  that  dignified  self-pos- 
session, that  slowness  which  never  forsook  him,  and 
was  astute  enough  to  tell  the  truth,  while  preparing 
for  any  contingency.  He  said  plainly  that  the  depart- 
ure of  Marie  Louise  would  throw  Paris  into  the  hands 


PARIS  AT  THE  END   OF  MARCH.  Ill 

of  the  Royalists  and  would  leave  the  field  open  for 
the  Coalition  to  establish  a  change  of  dynasty. 

The  Duke  of  Rovigo  expressed  himself  in  similar 
terms.  "In  support  of  my  opinion,"  he  says  in  his 
Memoirs,  "  I  spoke  of  the  excellent  spirit  of  that  por- 
tion of  the  populace  which  is  the  least  taken  into 
account  though  it  is  untiring  in  its  sacrifices.' '  Then 
there  were  a  few  moments  of  silence.  The  Arch- 
chancellor  called  for  a  vote,  and  it  was  found  that 
there  was  almost  unanimous  opposition  to  the  depart- 
ure of  the  Empress  and  of  the  King  of  Rome. 

However,  fuller  consideration  having  been  thought 
advisable,  the  Duke  of  Feltre  arose,  and  after  a  long 
introduction  in  which  he  enumerated  some  instances 
from  history  of  fidelity  and  devotion  to  sovereigns 
driven  from  their  capital  by  war,  he  went  on  to  say 
that  it  was  a  mistake  to  regard  Paris  as  the  only 
centre  of  the  Imperial  power;  that  the  Emperor's 
power  followed  him  wherever  he  might  be;  that  so 
long  as  a  village  was  left  in  which  he  or  his  son  was 
recognized,  there  all  Frenchmen  should  rally,  for  that 
was  the  real  capital.  It  was  the  duty  of  the  Empress 
and  of  the  King  of  Rome  to  go  to  the  uninvaded 
provinces,  there  to  summon  all  good  men  to  their 
banner,  and  with  them  to  die  in  defence  of  the  coun- 
try and  the  throne.  For  his  part,  he  could  not  under- 
stand how  men  who  had  long  professed  devotion  to 
the  Emperor  could  advise  that  his  son  should  be 
exposed  to  the  chance  of  falling  into  the  enemy's 
hands.     This  was  the  only  bond  that  united  them  to 


112  THE  INVASION  OF  18U. 

Austria,  and  that  they  would  be  helpless  if  they 
should  follow  the  perfidious  counsel  of  surrendering 
Hector's  son  to  the  Greeks. 

"  The  Duke  of  Feltre,"  says  the  Duke  of  Rovigo, 
"  was  much  excited ;  he  evidently  chose  his  words  to 
express  before  the  Empress  his  devotion  to  the  Em- 
peror, and  he  showed  no  fear  of  opposing  the  whole 
Council.  Moreover,  his  speech  was  answered  very 
fully  by  different  councillors,  and  when  the  vote  was 
taken  again,  it  was  found  that  no  man  had  changed 
his  opinion  that  the  Empress  would  do  better  to  stay 
in  Paris." 

King  Joseph  alone  had  not  voted,  and  up  to  that 
moment  he  kept  silence.  Then  he  took  the  floor  and 
read  two  letters  from  Napoleon.  One,  written  after 
the  battle  of  Rothiere,  was  dated  Nogent,  February  8, 
1814 ;  the  other,  written  after  the  battles  of  Craonne 
and  Laon,  was  dated  Rheims,  March  16.  We  have 
already  quoted  the  first,  which  ended  thus :  "  With 
the  Empress  and  the  King  of  Rome  in  Vienna,  or  in 
the  enemy's  hands,  you  and  all  who  tried  to  defend 
themselves  would  be  rebels.  For  my  part  I  had 
rather  my  son  should  have  his  throat  cut  than  that  I 
should  see  him  brought  up  in  Vienna  as  an  Austrian 
prince,  and  I  have  a  high  enough  opinion  of  the 
Empress  to  be  sure  that  she  shares  this  opinion  so  far 
as  a  woman  and  a  mother  can.  I  have  never  seen 
Andromaque  played  without  pitying  the  fate  of 
Astyanax  who  survives  his  family,  and  without 
thinking  it  would  have  been  better  for  him  not  to 


FABIS  AT  THE  END  OF  MARCH.  113 

survive  his  father.  You  do  not  know  the  French  peo- 
ple. The  results  of  what  would  happen  in  those 
great  events  lie  beyond  calculation." 

The  reading  of  this  first  letter  produced  a  deep 
impression  of  discouragement  and  surprise.  The  sec- 
ond letter,  that  of  March  16,  was  even  more  explicit. 
Like  the  other,  it  was  from  Napoleon  to  Joseph; 
it  ran  as  follows :  "  In  conformity  with  the  oral  in- 
structions that  I  gave  you,  and  with  the  tendency  of 
all  my  letters,  you  must  not,  in  any  case,  let  the  Em- 
press and  the  King  of  Rome  fall  into  the  enemy's 
hands.  I  am  about  to  move  in  such  a  way  that  you 
may  possibly  be  several  days  without  news  of  me.  If 
the  enemy  should  advance  on  Paris  in  such  force  that 
resistance  would  be  impossible,  despatch  towards  the 
Loire  the  Regent,  my  son,  the  high  dignitaries,  the 
Ministers,  the  officers  of  the  Senate,  the  Presidents  of 
the  Council  of  State,  the  high  officers  of  the  Crown, 
the  Baron  de  la  Bouillerie,  and  the  Treasury.  Do 
not  abandon  my  son,  and  remember  that  I  had  rather 
know  him  in  the  Seine  than  in  the  hands  of  the  ene- 
mies of  France;  the  fate  of  Astyanax,  a  prisoner 
among  the  Greeks,  has  always  seemed  to  me  the 
most  melancholy  in  all  history." 

When  Joseph  had  finished  reading  this  second  let- 
ter, the  members  of  the  Council  gazed  at  one  another 
in  stupefaction.  Why  had  they  been  summoned  if 
the  Emperor's  orders  were  formal?  Why  ask  their 
opinion  if  it  had  been  determined  already  not  to  follow 
it?      Was  this  only  one  of  the  mockeries  of  debate 


114  THE  INVASION   OF  I8I4. 

of  the  pretended  deliberations  of  which  the  Imperial 
Government  had  given  so  many  examples  ?  In  that 
case  it  was  easy  to  understand  the  Duke  of  Feltre, 
who  doubtless  was  already  familiar  with  the  two  let- 
ters, when  he  so  strongly  urged  the  departure  of 
Marie  Louise  and  her  son.  Nevertheless,  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Council  who  were  opposed  to  their  leaving 
still  tried  to  prevent  it.  M.  de  Talleyrand  repeated 
what  he  had  already  said.  Their  efforts  were  vain. 
King  Joseph  declared  that  it  was  impossible  with- 
out being  guilty  of  rebellion  by  disobedience  of  his 
brother's  precise  orders.  A  third  and  last  vote  was 
taken,  and  the  departure  was  determined;  the  Em- 
press, who  wished  to  remain,  announced  that  she  and 
her  son  could  leave  at  eight  the  next  morning  for 
Rambouillet. 

This  decision  once  taken,  each  minister  asked  for 
definite  instructions.  It  was  decided  that  King 
Joseph  should  remain  in  the  capital,  to  superintend 
the  defence,  and  that  he  should  not  leave  till  it  be- 
came impossible  to  save  the  city  from  the  enemy;  that 
Archchancellor  Cambac£r£s  and  the  President  of  the 
Senate  should  accompany  the  Empress  and  the  King 
of  Rome ;  that  the  other  dignitaries,  with  the  Minis- 
ters, should  remain  in  Paris  until  King  Joseph  should 
order  them  to  leave,  and  that  this  order,  to  prevent 
all  mistake,  should  come  to  them  through  the  Chief 
Justice,  M.  de  Mole* ;  and  finally,  that  the  President 
of  the  Senate  should  write  to  each  member  of  that 
body,  to  avoid  obeying  any  illegal  summons.     Then 


PARIS  AT  THE  END   OF  MARCH.  115 

at  two  o'clock  in  the  morning  the  meeting  broke 
up. 

Before  leaving  the  Tuileries,  the  members  of  the 
Council,  of  whom  Marie  Louise  had  just  taken  leave, 
stopped  in  a  room  next  to  the  one  where  they  had 
been  in  session,  and  some  of  them  came  up  to  Savary 
and  whispered  in  his  ear :  "  If  I  were  the  Minister  of 
Police,  like  you,  Paris  would  be  in  insurrection  to- 
morrow, and  the  Empress  would  not  leave."  The 
Duke  of  Rovigo  replied :  "  Which  one  of  you  would 
consent  to  take  the  responsibility  for  what  might  be 
the  result  of  such  a  course,  especially  when  you  have 
just  decided  that  the  Emperor's  orders  must  be 
obeyed  ?  You  advise  me  to  take  on  myself  what  you 
have  thought  you  could  not  do.  But  do  I  know  the 
Emperor's  plans  ?  Am  I  even  sure  that  this  move- 
ment would  not  thwart  them?  And  if  I  failed, 
what  good  would  come  from  the  murders,  the  pillage, 
and  all  the  disorders  that  would  follow  an  appeal  to 
the  multitude?" 

The  memory  of  the  Revolution  was  still  fresh,  and 
doubtless  Savary  had  in  mind  the  Jacobins,  —  the 
men  armed  with  pikes,  —  the  September  massacres, 
when  he  wrote :  "  Is  it  sure,  is  it  even  likely,  that 
the  monarch  who  refused  to  cover  his  defeat  by 
burning  Leipsic  would  care  to  reign  at  the  price  of 
the  misfortunes  which  such  a  plan  would  entail  upon 
the  capital  ?  How  could  I  reply  to  his  reproaches  ? 
What  could  I  say  in  answer  to  the  reproaches  of  a 
hundred  thousand  families,  one  calling  for  its  head, 


116  THE  INVASION   OF  18 U. 

the  other  for  its  home,  its  fortune,  all  lost  through 
me?  There  would  be  too  many  victims,  too  many 
tears :  I  cannot  undertake  to  throw  the  whole  pop- 
ulation of  Paris  into  an  abyss.  Besides,  even  if  I 
were  strong  enough,  the  spirit  of  my  instructions  for- 
bids. So  far  from  wishing  me  to  compromise  the 
populace,  the  Emperor  orders  me  to  leave  Paris  if 
the  Allies  enter.  I  can  easily  prevent  the  Empress's 
departure ;  but  only  a  madman  would  imagine  that 
he  could  control  the  results  of  this  violent  action. 
In  my  zeal  to  serve  the  Emperor  I  may  destroy  the 
few  chances  left  him,  and  transfer  what  hopes  he  has 
to  the  profit  of  a  party.  It  might  be  thought  of,  if  I 
had  no  orders ;  but  everything  has  been  provided  for, 
and  I  have  only  to  obey  the  orders  I  have  received. 
Like  every  one  else,  I  regret  the  decision  just  taken ; 
but  I  don't  wish  to  be  responsible  alone  for  what  you 
all  together  have  not  dared  to  do." 

The  members  of  the  Council,  seeing  that  all  was 
over,  that  the  Empire  was  lost,  went  down  the  grand 
staircase  of  the  Tuileries  in  the  profoundest  gloom. 
At  this  last  moment  M.  de  Talleyrand  went  up  to 
Savary,  and  said  to  him,  with  mingled  irony  and  mel- 
ancholy, something  like  this :  "  Well,  so  this  is  the  end 
of  it  all,  don't  you  think  ?  Upon  my  word,  we  have 
lost  the  game  with  all  the  cards  in  our  hands.  Just 
see  what  comes  from  the  stupidity  of  a  few  ignorant 
men  who  use  their  influence  day  in,  day  out.  Really, 
the  Emperor  is  to  be  pitied ;  yet  no  one  will  pity  him, 
because  his  obstinacy  in  retaining  his  advisers  has  no 


PARIS  AT  THE  END   OF  MARCH.  117 

reasonable  ground;  it  is  only  a  weakness  which  is 
incomprehensible  in  a  man  like  him.  Just  consider 
what  a  fall  it  is  !  To  be  known  as  the  hero  of  such 
adventures  instead  of  being  the  hero  of  the  age !  I 
groan  to  think  of  it.  What  are  we  to  do  now  ? 
There  is  no  need  for  every  one  to  be  crushed  under 
the  ruins  of  this  edifice.  Well,  we  shall  see  what 
will  happen.  Instead  of  denouncing  me,  the  Emperor 
would  have  done  better  to  judge  those  who  inspired 
those  prejudices;  he  would  have  seen  that  such 
friends  are  more  dangerous  than  enemies.  What 
would  he  say  of  any  one  else  who  had  got  into  this 
trouble  ?  " 

Most  of  the  members  of  the  Council  had  left  the 
palace;  King  Joseph,  the  Archchancellor,  and  the 
Minister  of  War  still  lingered  for  a  moment.  They 
accompanied  the  Empress  to  her  private  rooms  and  said 
a  few  words  to  her  about  the  probable  melancholy 
consequences  of  her  leaving  Paris.  Baron  de  Me*ne- 
val,  who  was  present,  records  that  they  ventured  to 
say  that  the  Regent  alone  could  determine  just  what 
course  was  to  be  followed  in  this  serious  state  of 
affairs.  "  You  are  my  lawful  councillors,"  answered 
Marie  Louise ;  "  I  shall  not  take  it  upon  myself  to 
issue  an  order  opposed  to  that  of  the  Emperor,  and 
to  the  determination  of  the  Privy  Council,  without 
receiving  your  opinion  in  due  form  and  signed." 
They  refused  to  take  upon  themselves  such  a  respon- 
sibility. M.  de  Me*neval  says  in  his  Memoirs:  "Now 
when  we  can  coolly  judge  the  past,  can  we  blame 


118  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

their  conduct?  If  honor  and  fidelity  are  not  mere 
words,  were  they  free  to  sacrifice  the  man  who  had 
trusted  to  their  faith,  and  to  treat  with  the  enemy 
about  him,  in  his  absence?  il  they  had  consented 
to  the  Emperor's  dethronement  (for  by  disobeying  his 
order,  they  would  have  committed  themselves  to 
that),  doubtless  the  Empress  would  have  secured 
her  son's  gratitude,  Joseph  would  have  become  the 
lieutenant-general  of  the  kingdom,  and  the  Arch- 
chancellor  would  have  retained  his  dignities,  but  at 
what  a  price  ?  " 

As  she  was  leaving  her  councillors,  Marie  Louise 
uttered  these  last  words :  u  Even  if  I  were  to  fall 
into  the  Seine,  as  the  Emperor  said,  I  should  not  hesi- 
tate a  moment  about  leaving.  A  wish  which  he  has 
formally  expressed  is  for  me  an  order."  In  spite  of 
everything,  faint  hopes  still  lingered.  Possibly,  it 
was  thought,  the  danger  was  not  so  great  as  it  seemed. 
Perhaps  the  time  for  obeying  Napoleon's  commands 
had  not  yet  come.  Before  taking  their  leave  of  the 
Empress,  King  Joseph  and  the  Minister  of  War  told 
her  that  at  daybreak  the  next  morning  they  would 
both  make  a  military  examination  outside  of  Paris, 
and  would  send  her  a  last  word  as  to  whether  she 
was  to  go  or  to  stay.. 


IX. 


THE  REGENT  S   FLIGHT. 


THE  night  of  March  28  was  one  of  gloom ;  all 
sleep  in  Paris  was  broken  by  anxiety  and  alarm. 
Belated  passers  crossing  the  courtyard  of  the  Carrou- 
sel saw  in  the  windows  of  the  Tuileries  moving  lights, 
which  betrayed  the  preparation  for  departure.  These 
preparations  were  made  with  eager  haste.  The  bul- 
lion in  the  Treasury  and  the  most  precious  objects 
were  packed  on  wagons  which  were  to  follow  those 
of  the  Empress.  The  morning  breeze  extinguished 
the  dying  lights,  when  at  dawn  the  early  risers 
noticed  with  sad  surprise  the  crowd  of  horses,  car- 
riages, and  servants.  The  ladies  of  Marie  Louise 
wandered  distractedly  from  one  room  to  another. 
Some  old  retainers  were  in  tears. 

At  eight  everything  was  ready  for  the  departure. 
The  travelling-carriages  drew  up  before  the  Pavilion 
of  Flora,  and  the  rumor  quickly  spread  abroad  that 
the  Empress  was  about  to  leave.  A  crowd  gathered, 
and  the  Place  of  the  Carrousel  was  soon  filled  with 
a  multitude  of  men  and  women  who  asked  nothing 
better  than  to  cut  the  harness,  send  back  the  carriages, 

119 


120  THE  INVASION  OF  I8I4. 

and  to  see  the  Regent  share  with  the  Parisians  the 
last  chances  of  fortune.  Yet,  as  the  Duke  of  Rovigo 
says  in  his  Memoirs,  so  great  was  still  the  respect 
felt  for  the  Empress  and  for  her  wishes,  that  in  the 
whole  vast  throng  all  eager  to  retain  her,  not  one 
person  ventured  to  express  the  wish.  Yet  every  one 
was  thinking  :  "  The  departure  of  Marie  Louise  is 
our  ruin.  Her  presence  would  have  guaranteed  us 
against  the  barbarism  of  the  foreigners.  They  would 
never  think  of  sacking,  or  burning,  or  bombarding  a 
city  in  which  were  the  daughter  and  the  son  of  the 
Emperor  of  Austria." 

Yet  the  departure  which  had  been  set  for  eight  in 
the  morning  did  not  take  place.  Marie  Louise  still 
hoped  she  would  not  have  to  leave.  She  was  waiting 
in  her  room,  dressed  for  the  journey,  with  her  son 
and  her  ladies,  eluding  the  questions  of  the  little 
King  of  Rome,  who  was  much  disturbed  by  the  un- 
usual bustle.  She  expected  every  moment  the  report 
she  was  to  receive  from  King  Joseph,  but  it  did  not 
come.  Every  sudden  noise,  a  horseman's  entrance 
into  the  courtyard,  the  opening  of  a  door,  set  all 
hearts  throbbing.  King  Joseph,  or  one  of  his  mes- 
sengers, was  expected  every  moment,  but  no  one 
appeared. 

Suddenly  the  officers  of  the  National  Guard,  on 
duty  at  the  Tuileries,  and  a  few  other  officers  —  for 
etiquette  could  not  control  the  general  emotions  — 
burst  into  the  room  where  was  Marie  Louise  and 
besought  her  to   remain,  promising  to  defend  her 


THE  BEGENT'S  FLIGHT.  121 

and  her  son  to  their  last  breath.  Their  devotion 
and  earnestness  deeply  touched  the  Empress.  She 
felt  that  they  were  right  in  urging  her  to  stay  at  the 
Tuileries ;  she  had  a  foreboding  that  if  she  were  once 
to  leave  the  palace  she  would  never  enter  it  again. 
Her  intelligence  and  common  sense  told  her  that 
this  fatal  departure  was  the  greatest  and  most  irrepa- 
rable of  faults,  and  that  the  fall  of  the  dynasty  would 
be  the  immediate  result.  All  that  she  knew,  but  how 
could  she  withstand  the  Emperor's  formal  orders,  and 
the  insistence  of  the  Minister  of  War,  who  sent  her 
word  that  there  was  not  a  moment  to  lose.  Marie 
Louise  thanked  the  officers  of  the  National  Guard, 
but  was  obliged  to  decline  their  patriotic  offers. 

Meanwhile,  she  was  waiting  most  anxiously,  fearing 
both  to  stay  and  to  go,  hoping  for  another  order 
from  the  Emperor,  a  few  words  from  Joseph  that  the 
danger  was  not  imminent,  and  that  she  might  remain 
a  few  hours.  But  nothing  came,  except  a  message 
from  the  Minister  of  War  saying  that  she  must  leave 
at  once ;  for  if  there  were  any  delay,  she  might  fall 
into  the  hands  of  the  Cossacks. 

Eleven  struck,  and  Marie  Louise  hesitated  no 
longer,  but  descended  the  stairs.  There  her  son 
resisted,  and  the  child  of  three  clung  to  the  doors 
and  banisters,  shouting  in  boyish  wrath :  "  I  don't 
want  to  leave  this  house ;  I  don't  want  to  go  away ; 
now  that  papa  is  away,  I'm  master  here."  The 
equerry  in  waiting,  M.  de  Canisy,  took  him  in  his 
arms.      He   kept  struggling  and   crying:    "I   don't 


122  THE  INVASION   OF  1814. 

want  to  go  to  Rambouillet ;  it's  an  ugly  castle ; 
I  want  to  stay  here ! "  And  M.  de  Canisy  was 
obliged  to  help  Madame  de  Montesquiou  to  carry 
him  to  the  carriage  in  which  he  was  to  travel  to  the 
first  halting-place  in  his  long  exile.  What  is  stranger 
than  this  child's  instinctive  repugnance  to  this  journey 
which  was  in  fact  his  political  death  ? 

The  fugitive  Empress  was  accompanied  by  a 
numerous  suite,  comprising  the  Duchess  of  Monte- 
bello,  Madame  de  Castiglione,  Madame  de  Brignole, 
and  Madame  de  Montalivet,  Count  Claude  de  Beau- 
harnais,  Messrs.  de  Gontaut  and  d'Haussonville, 
Prince  Aldobrandini,  Messrs.  d'Hericy  and  cle  Lam- 
be  rtye,  de  Cussy  and  de  Bausset,  de  Guerehy,  Drs. 
Corvisart,  Bourdier,  Lacourner,  and  Royer.  The 
King  of  Rome  was  attended  by  the  Countess  of 
Montesquiou,  his  governess,  Madame  de  Boubers, 
and  Madame  de  Mesgrigny,  M.  de  Canisy,  and  Dr. 
Auvity.  The  Archchancellor  Cambace*res  and  the 
President  of  the  Senate  followed  the  Empress.  About 
twelve  hundred  men,  from  the  reserves  of  the  grena- 
diers, chasseurs,  dragoons,  and  lancers  of  the  Imperial 
Guard  and  of  the  gendarmes  formed  the  escort.  They 
got  into  their  carriages,  and  the  procession  started 
slowly,  going  out  through  the  gateway  near  the  Pont 
Royal. 

It  seemed  like  the  funeral  of  the  Empire !  Ten 
heavy  coaches,  adorned  with  the  Imperial  arms,  led 
the  procession,  followed  by  the  state  coaches,  among 
which  was  the  coronation  coach ;  and  then  came  carts 


THE  REGENT'S  FLIGHT.  123 

containing  rich  furniture,  records,  bullion,  silverware, 
and  the  crown  diamonds.  The  crowd,  which  had 
been  dense  in  the  morning,  had  scattered  under  the 
impression  that  the  departure  was  postponed,  and 
only  a  few  curious  idlers  lingered  near  the  Tuileries 
in  gloomy  silence.  When  they  saw  the  mounted 
guards  escorting  the  carriages,  they  said  those  men 
would  have  been  of  use  in  defending  the  capital,  so 
meagrely  garrisoned.  The  Regent's  departure  was 
looked  upon  as  a  crime,  as  a  sort  of  abdication, 
although  it  could  not  properly  be  blamed,  because 
it  was  in  obedience  to  orders.  But  there  was  no 
cheering,  no  expression  of  sympathy,  devotion,  or 
sorrow,  as  the  young  and  unfortunate  Empress  was 
leaving. 

Issuing  from  the  gateway  by  the  Pont  Royal,  the 
procession  followed  the  quay  of  the  Tuileries.  Marie 
Louise  cast  a  farewell  glance  at  this  palace  which 
had  proved  so  fatal ;  at  the  Place  Louis  XV.,  recall- 
ing the  scaffold  of  her  aunt,  Marie  Antoinette;  at 
the  Champs  Elyse'es,  by  which  she  had  entered  Paris, 
four  years  less  four  days  before,  amid  pomp  and 
splendor  and  applause.  The  Arc  de  l'Etoile,  with 
its  inscriptions  and  boundless  flattery ;  the  speech  of 
the  Prefect  of  the  Seine,  in  which  he  said :  "  In  order 
to  admire  you,  we  no  longer  need  to  trust  to  report, 
and  already  have  those  words  of  your  immortal  hus- 
band come  true  that,  loved  first  for  his  sake,  you 
would  soon  be  loved  for  your  own  " ;  the  young  girls 
dressed  in  white,  offering  baskets   of  flowers ;   the 


124  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

dense  crowd  in  the  Champs  Elyse*es ;  the  coronation 
coach  with  Marshals  of  France  on  horseback  by  its 
side ;  the  clanging  church  bells ;  the  rolling  drums ;  the 
salutes;  applause;  the  music,  —  all  those  things  were 
very  remote  !     One  recalls  Dante's  lines :  — 

"  Nessun  maggior  dolore, 
Che  ricordarsi  del  tempo  felice 
Nella  miseria." 

The  procession  advanced  along  the  quay  of 
Chaillot,  leaving  the  capitol  at  Passy  to  go  to  Ram- 
bouillet.  This  departure,  or  rather  disastrous  flight, 
made  a  most  melancholy  impression  on  the  public, 
revealing  as  it  did  the  full  extent  of  the  danger 
threatening  Paris ;  and  the  gloom  was  even  greater, 
because  hitherto  the  government  bulletins  with  more 
cunning  than  truth,  had  spoken  only  of  victories  over 
the  armies  of  the  Coalition.  A  few  hours  before  the 
final  crash,  the  machinery  of  government  was  working 
with  apparent  regularity.  Two  days  before  there 
had  been  a  grand  review  in  the  courtyard  of  the 
Tuileries  and  in  the  Place  of  the  Carrousel.  For  four 
hours  Joseph  had  watched  the  parade  of  the  troops  of 
the  National  Guard,  as  well  as  of  a  numerous  force 
of  infantry,  cavalry,  and  artillery,  and  the  Empress 
and  the  King  of  Rome  had  been  cheered  when  they 
appeared  at  a  window.  In  spite  of  the  cloud  over- 
hanging the  Empire,  the  theatres  remained  open. 
March  29,  the  day  of  the  Empress's  flight,  Iphigeneia 
in  Aulis  and  Paul  and   Virgina  were  given  at  the 


THE  REGENT'S  FLIGHT.  125 

opera;  Manlius  and  The  Revenge  at  the  FranQais; 
the  MSjiant  and  tTai  perdu  mon  proces  at  the  Od£on ; 
Le  Forgeron  de  Bassora  and  Richard  Coeur-de-Lion 
at  the  Opera  Comique.  The  smaller  theatres  were 
also  open.  That  morning  the  Parisians  had  read  in 
the  Moniteur  this  military  bulletin :  "  March  26,  His 
Majesty,  the  Emperor,  defeated  General  Witzenge- 
rode  at  Saint  Dizier,  taking  two  thousand  prisoners, 
many  cannon  and  baggage  wagons.  The  enemy  was 
pursued  some  distance." 

From  that  time  forth  the  Moniteur  was  silent,  say- 
ing nothing  about  the  war,  about  the  Empress's 
flight,  or  the  end  of  the  drama.  The  number  for 
March  30  was  absolutely  empty;  that  of  the  31st, 
purely  literary,  containing  actually  nothing  of  the 
slightest  value,  unless  we  except  a  "  Fragment  of  a 
Journey  in  Italy,  in  prose  and  verse.  Pilgrimage  to 
the  Festival  of  the  Pardon."  April  2,  the  paper 
opened  with  a  proclamation  of  the  Emperor  Alex- 
ander. There  is  nothing  more  edifying  than  the 
number  of  the  Moniteur  at  a  change  of  rule.  In  an 
instant  the  whole  tone  of  the  paper  is  changed.  Be- 
tween one  day  and  the  next  a  century  seems  to  have 
passed.  The  reader  wonders  what  has  become  of  the 
government  yesterday  so  proud,  but  now  vanished 
like  a  burst  bubble.  All  rulers  ought  occasionally  to 
turn  over  the  bound  volumes  of  the  Moniteur  Univer- 
se! ;  but  no  one  ever  profits  by  the  experience  of 
another. 


THE  BATTLE   OF  PARIS. 

AT  the  same  time  that  Marie  Louise  was  fleeing 
from  the  capital,  the  troops  commanded  by 
Marmont  and  Mortier  were  hastily  crossing  the 
Marne  by  the  bridge  of  Charenton.  In  the  opposite 
direction  there  could  be  descried  from  the  heights 
of  Montmartre  and  Belleville,  the  vanguard  of  the 
allied  armies,  issuing  from  the  woods  of  Bondy. 
u  From  the  top  of  the  towers  of  Notre  Dame,"  says 
Chateaubriand,  an  eyewitness  of  this  great  sorrow, 
"  could  be  seen  the  head  of  the  Russian  columns,  like 
the  first  ripple  of  the  sea  upon  the  shore.  I  felt  what 
a  Roman  must  have  suffered  when  from  the  capital 
he  saw  the  soldiers  of  Alaric  and  the  old  Latin  city 
at  his  feet,  when  I  looked  upon  the  Russian  soldiers 
and  at  the  old  city  of  the  Gauls  below  me.  For  cen- 
turies Paris  had  not  seen  the  smoke  of  an  enemy's 
camp.  .  .  .  Paris  was  the  point  from  which  Bona- 
parte had  set  forth  to  wander  over  the  earth ;  he  was 
returning  to  it,  leaving  behind  him  the  enormous 
flame  of  his  profitless  conquests." 

March   29,   the   day   of  the   Empress's   flight,   at 
126 


THE  BATTLE  OF  PARIS.  127 

three  in  the  afternoon,  the  leading  columns  of  the 
army  of  Bohemia,  under  command  of  Prince  Schwarz- 
enberg,  occupied  Rosny,  as  well  as  the  lower  part  of 
the  plateau  of  Romainville,  and  halted  there  under 
the  very  erroneous  impression  that  they  were  con- 
fronted by  serious  obstacles. 

The  Russian  Emperor  and  the  King  of  Prussia 
spent  the  night  of  March  29  at  the  castle  of  Bondy, 
while  the  troops  of  Marmont  and  Mortier,  worn  out 
by  incessant  fighting  and  forced  inarches,  took  a  few 
hours'  rest  at  Saint  Mande'  and  Charenton  before  the 
fierce  fight  of  the  next  day.  Such  was  the  careless- 
ness of  the  administration  that  they  had  nothing  to 
eat,  and  were  obliged  to  depend  on  the  generosity 
of  the  inhabitants.  Joseph,  who  as  the  Emperor's 
lieutenant-general  was  at  the  head  of  affairs  after 
the  Empress's  departure,  gave  instructions  to  the  two 
Marshals :  Marmont  was  intrusted  with  the  defence 
of  the  capital  to  and  including  the  heights  of  Belle- 
ville and  Me*nilmontant ;  Mortier  was  to  defend  the 
line  extending  from  the  foot  of  these  heights  to  the 
Seine. 

Only  a  small  part  of  the  circumference  of  Paris 
is  fitted  by  nature  for  defence;  but  this  could  be 
utilized,  especially  since  the  enemy  was  advancing 
in  this  direction.  From  the  junction  of  the  Marne 
with  the  Seine  at  Charenton,  as  far  as  Passy,  a  chain 
of  hills,  at  times  spreading  into  plateaus,  as  at 
Romainville,  at  times  separate,  as  at  Montmartre,  en- 
closes the  city.     These  heights  ought  to  have  been 


128  THE  INVASION  OF  1*14. 

covered  with  redoubts  and  artillery ;  but  in  fact  the 
preparations  were  most  insignificant,  consisting  only 
of  a  few  cannon  at  Montmartre,  Saint  Chaumont,  and 
Charonne,  and  of  a  few  palisades  before  the  gates. 
No  one  had  thought  of  raising  barricades  within  the 
city,  of  arming  the  populace  with  shot-guns,  if  noth- 
ing better  was  to  be  had,  and  of  organizing  a  defence 
from  street  to  street.  As  Thiers  says,  "  Paris  should 
have  been  defended  as  General  Bourmont,  a  few  days 
before,  had  defended  Nogent;  as  General  Alix  had 
defended  Sens ;  as  the  Spaniards  had  defended  their 
cities ;  as  the  Parisians  have  themselves  too  often 
defended  Paris  against  their  own  governments,  with 
the  suburbs  barricaded ;  and  the  populace  behind  the 
barricades  and  the  army  of  the  line  in  reserve  to  move 
on  such  points  as  the  enemy  might  have  taken."  But 
it  must  be  confessed  that,  with  a  few  honorable  excep- 
tions, the  heroic  feeling  required  for  the  defence  of 
the  capital  existed  only  among  the  poorer  inhabitants. 
The  habit  of  relying  on  the  strength  of  the  govern- 
ment had  weakened  all  individual  initiative.  The 
yearning  for  security  deadened  national  pride.  Sud- 
denly, after  being  for  twenty-two  years  forgotten,  the 
Bourbons  were  remembered,  and  many  were  asking 
of  what  use  were  the  torrents  of  blood  that  had  been 
shed  since  their  fall.  What  some  called  treachery, 
others  called  fidelity.  France,  in  its  sore  need  for 
harmony  in  its  struggle  with  the  foreigner,  was 
divided  against  itself.  Instead  of  one  flag,  under 
which  it  might  have  found  safety,  it  was  to  have  two. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  PARIS.  129 

The  final  resistance  was  to  be  in  the  form  of  a  bat- 
tle fought  under  the  walls  of  Paris,  which,  as  Thiers 
says,  was  the  most  foolish  plan  possible;  for,  that 
battle  lost,  everything  was  lost, — the  battle,  Paris, 
the  government,  France.  To  oppose  the  two  hun- 
dred thousand  excellent  troops  of  the  Coalition,  they 
had  only  twenty-eight  or  twenty-nine  thousand  men, 
among  whom  were  four  thousand  conscripts,  six  thou- 
sand National  Guards,  a  few  hundred  invalides  and 
young  men  of  the  schools.  The  Sixth  Corps,  under 
Marmont,  which  was  to  bear  the  brunt  of  the  attack, 
consisted  of  but  four  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
thirty-one  men,  of  whom  fourteen  hundred  and  twenty- 
one  were  mounted.  They  were  mere  fragments,  shad- 
ows of  regiments  ready  to  die  in  defence  of  their  flag. 
This  was  the  sixty-seventh  engagement  of  the  Sixth 
Corps,  since  January  1,  that  is  to  say,  in  ninety  days ; 
and  its  commander,  Marmont,  Duke  of  Ragusa,  had 
worn  his  arm  in  a  sling  throughout  the  whole  cam- 
paign, in  consequence  of  a  wound  he  had  received  in 
Spain ;  two  fingers  of  his  other  hand  were  wounded, 
so  that  he  had  to  hold  his  sword  with  but  three 
fingers. 

March  30,  an  hour  before  day,  General  Marmont 
left  Charenton  to  form  in  line  of  battle.  At  six 
o'clock  a  Russian  cannon  announced  the  last  battle 
of  the  Empire.  At  that  moment  the  Parisians  were 
reading  this  proclamation  of  King  Joseph,  which  had 
been  posted  everywhere :  "  King  Joseph,  Lieutenant- 
General  of  the  Emperor,  Commander-in-chief  of  the 


130  THE  INVASION   OF  18U, 

National  Guard,  to  the  citizens  of  Paris :  A  column 
of  the  enemy  is  moving  on  Meaux,  advancing  by  the 
road  to  Germany,  but  the  Emperor  is  following  it 
closely  at  the  head  of  a  victorious  army.  The  Coun- 
cil of  the  Regency  has  provided  for  the  safety  of  the 
Empress  and  of  the  King  of  Rome.  Let  us  arm  in 
defence  of  our  city,  of  its  monuments,  of  its  treasures, 
of  our  wives,  of  our  children,  of  all  that  we  hold  dear. 
This  vast  city  should  become  for  a  brief  space  a  camp, 
and  the  enemy  must  suffer  humiliation  beneath  the 
walls  which  he  hopes  to  overthrow  in  triumph !  The 
Emperor  is  marching  to  our  aid ;  help  him  by  a  brief 
and  vigorous  resistance,  and  let  us  maintain  the 
honor  of  France."  At  six  in  the  morning  Joseph 
and  his  brother  Jerome  had  ridden  to  Montmartre 
to  watch  the  movements  of  the  enemy. 

Meanwhile,  Marmont's  troops  had  taken  position 
on  the  heights  of  Belleville  and  Mdnilmontant.  The 
enemy  in  front  of  Romainville  were  so  hotly  attacked 
that  they  thought  that  Napoleon  must  have  arrived, 
and  they  cautiously  remained  on  the  defensive.  The 
French  line  was  formed  with  the  left  at  the  mill  of 
Romainville,  holding  all  the  little  wood,  and  with  the 
right  at  the  passes  on  the  top  of  Bagnolet  and  at  the 
mill  of  Malassise.  The  battle  raged  hotly  for  some 
hours,  and  until  eleven  neither  side  gained  any  sub- 
stantial advantage ;  at  that  hour,  however,  the  Allies 
attacked  in  great  numbers,  and  the  French  line  was 
forced.  Marmont  and  his  troops  were  obliged  to 
withdraw  a  little  more  than  half  a  mile,  to  the  village 


THE  BATTLE  OF  PARIS.  131 

of  Belleville,  with  the  right  at  Me*nilmontant,  and 
the  left  by  the  meadows  of  Saint  Gervais.  The  roads 
to  Paris  were  blocked  with  a  number  of  wounded 
Frenchmen.  From  all  sides  arose  a  call  for  aid,  but 
Marmont  still  held  firm. 

•  It  was  nearly  noon.  Joseph,  when  he  found  that 
nearly  all  the  armies  of  the  Coalition  were  engaged, 
and  that  Napoleon  was  not  coming,  thought  the  case 
hopeless.  Montmartre,  where  he  was  with  his  escort, 
was  soon  to  be  attacked.  With  fifty  pieces  of  artil- 
lery it  could  have  been  defended ;  but  as  it  was,  there 
were  but  seven  cannon  and  a  handful  of  the  National 
Guard. 

Fearing  to  be  taken  as  a  hostage  and  possibly  com- 
pelled to  bring  about  the  Emperor's  dethronement, 
Joseph,  in  spite  of  the  proclamation  he  had  issued 
that  morning,  thought  of  but  one  thing,  —  of  leav- 
ing the  capital  and  rejoining  Marie  Louise  with  a 
shadow  of  a  government.  Hence  he  wrote  to  Count 
Mole\  the  Chief  Justice :  "  Count,  I  think  you 
should  notify  the  Ministers  that  it  is  proper  for  them 
to  follow  in  the  steps  of  the  Empress.  Inform  the 
Senators  and  the  Councillors  of  .State,  etc."  And  he 
wrote  to  the  Duke  of  Piacenza :  "  Sir :  I  think  it  is 
proper  for  the  high  dignitaries  to  withdraw  from 
Paris,  in  the  steps  of  the  Empress,  on  the  road  to 
Chartres.    Be  good  enough  to  inform  the  dignitaries." 

At  quarter-past  twelve  Joseph  sent  by  his  aide, 
General  Stroltz,  to  Marshal  Marmont  and  then  to 
Marshal  Mortier,  permission  to  treat  with  the  enemy, 


132  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

in  these  words:  "If  the  Marshal,  the  Duke  of 
Ragusa,  and  the  Duke  of  Treviso  are  no  longer  able 
to  hold  their  positions,  they  are  authorized  to  treat 
with  Prince  Schwarzenberg  and  the  Emperor  of  Rus- 
sia, who  are  before  them.  They  will  retreat  on  the 
Loire."  When  Marmont  received  this  paper,  he  bade 
one  of  his  aides  go  to  tell  Joseph  that  if  the  rest  of 
the  line  was  in  no  worse  state  than  where  he  was,  he 
did  not  think  the  time  had  come  for  capitulation,  and 
that  he  still  hoped  to  hold  out  till  night,  when  per- 
haps there  might  be  a  change.  Although  his  valiant 
corps  was  nearly  wiped  out  by  six  hours'  righting, 
Marmont  would  not  give  up.  u  He  was,"  says  Gen- 
eral de  Se*gur,  "  one  of  the  oddest  companions  of  the 
great  captain ;  this  was  the  last  battle  of  the  remnants 
of  the  Grand  Army,  the  last  moment  of  the  indepen- 
dence of  the  capital  and  of  the  great  nation ;  he  knew 
that  all  these  grandeurs  could  not  fall  like  so  many 
others,  that  there  was  need  of  other  sacrifices,  of 
bloodier  funeral  rites,  and  he  dedicated  himself  to 
them.  He  did  more  ;  he  made  all  who  were  with  him 
unite  in  this  heroic  devotion  ;  for  not  a  man  left  him. 
Yet  far  on  the  right  another  army,  under  the  Prince 
of  Wiirtemberg,  was  turning  his  position,  while 
Bliicher  was  pressing  his  left.  Already,  in  spite  of 
the  desperate  defence  made  by  a  few  hundred  con- 
scripts and  the  pupils  of  the  Veterinary  School  of 
Alfort,  Saint  Maur  and  Charenton  had  been  turned 
and  taken ;  Bercy  was  captured ;  the  Wiirtembergers 
had  already  got  by  Vincennes,  and  before  the  Barriere 


THE  BATTLE  OF  PARIS.  133 

du  Tr6ne,  the  reserve  artillery  and  the  pupils  of  the 
Polytechnic  School  had  been  turned  back.  Twenty- 
one  of  these  pupils  had  just  paid  with  their  blood  for 
the  fame  that  their  devotion  added  to  the  renown  of 
this  school." 

Mortier  was  defending  himself  boldly  at  Villette, 
and  Marmont  at  Belleville.  Six  times  had  the  latter's 
troops  lost  and  six  times  retaken  important  points  in 
their  front  line,  among  others,  the  little  towns  flanking 
the  walls  of  the  Park  of  Bruyeres.  The  brave  mar- 
shal fought  like  a  lion.  His  clothes  were  torn  by 
bullets,  and  his  horse  had  been  shot  under  him.  With 
but  a  handful  of  brave  men,  he  was  fighting  desper- 
ately in  the  main  street  of  Belleville.  Never  had 
soldiers  fought  more  obstinately,  but  a  prolongation 
of  the  struggle  was  impossible.  The  enemy  learned 
from  the  prisoners  by  how  small  a  force  they  were 
opposed,  and  at  length  perceived  that  they  could  ad- 
vance without  danger ;  consequently,  immense  bodies 
began  to  move  forward.  From  the  heights  of  Belle- 
ville could  be  seen  huge  columns  of  fresh  troops 
advancing  from  all  sides  —  from  the  Barriere  du  Tr6ne 
to  Villette,  while  other  troops  were  crossing  the  canal 
of  the  Ourcq  and- moving  on  Montmartre.  It  was 
half-past  three  o'clock. 

Marmont  saw  that  if  Paris  was  to  be  saved  from 
the  horrors  of  assault,  the  time  for  negotiating  had 
come.  A  little  before  four  he  sent  a  first  flag  of  truce, 
preceded  by  a  trumpeter,  to  propose  a  suspension  of 
hostilities.     Colonel  de  La  Bddoydre,  who  had  been 


134  THE  INVASION  OF  18 14. 

. — — m 

entrusted  with  this  perilous  mission,  soon  returned ; 
he  had  not  been  able  to  advance ;  his  horse  and  that 
of  the  trumpeter  had  been  killed.  The  combat  was 
too  hot  at  that  point  for  a  flag  of  truce  to  have  any 
success.  Then  Marmont  sent  an  aide-de-camp  to 
General  Compans,  who  had  a  new  place  for  entering 
into  communication  with  the  enemy,  being  in  the 
front  line,  at  the  foot  of  the  hills  of  la  Villette,  at 
the  entrance  of  the  highroad,  and  he  ordered  him  to 
try  to  open  negotiatons. 

At  the  same  moment  a  horseman  appeared  among 
the  troops  of  the  Duke  of  Treviso,  who  was  stoutly 
defending  la  Villette.  It  was  an  aide-de-camp  of  the 
Emperor,  General  Dejean,  who  had  come  to  say  that 
Napoleon  was  moving  on  Paris  at  full  speed,  and  that 
it  was  only  necessary  to  hold  out  two  days  more  when 
he  would  appear  at  the  head  of  a  considerable  force ; 
that  hence  every  effort  should  be  made  to  prolong  the 
defence,  and  if  this  could  not  be  done  by  arms,  the 
enemy  was  to  be  delayed  by  discussions,  and  was  to 
be  told  that  the  Emperor  had  written  to  his  father-in- 
law  to  ask  for  a  reopening  of  negotiations.  When 
Mortier's  troops  saw  General  Dejean,  they  thought 
that  Napoleon  had  arrived.  A  loud  cry  of  "  Long 
live  the  Emperor ! "  arose,  and  the  soldiers  fought 
with  fresh  fury.  Meanwhile,  the  bearer  of  the  first 
flag  of  truce  sent  by  General  Compans,  in  accordance 
with  Marmont's  orders,  had  been  killed,  and  the  sec- 
ond severely  wounded.  The  third,  M.  de  Quelen, 
had  been  able  to  reach  Prince  Schwarzenberg,  who  at 


THE  BATTLE  OF  PARIS.  135 

once  consented  to  an  immediate  conference  about  a 
suspension  of  hostilities.  This  conference,  in  which 
took  part  Marmont  and  Mortier,  and  the  representa- 
tives of  the  Allies,  Messrs.  de  Nesselrode,  Orloff,  and 
Paar,  was  held  in  the  second  house  on  the  left  of  the 
gate  of  la  Villette.  It  was  a  restaurant  called  au 
Petit  Jardinet. 

During  the  conference  the  battle  raged  as  hotly  as 
ever.  Life  in  Paris  was  not  modified  by  these  dread- 
ful events.  From  the  moment  the  battle  began,  the 
boulevards  had  been  crowded  by  men  standing  and 
sitting,  who  discussed  what  was  going  on.  In  the 
wealthy  quarters  patriotism  was  much  less  prominent 
than  it  was  in  the  suburbs,  and  there  were  abundant 
indications  of  the  indifference  which  was  to  prevail 
the  next  day.  Montmartre,  which  was  defended  only 
by  General  Belliard's  cavalry  and  two  hundred  and 
forty  firemen,  had  just  been  carried  by  one  of  Blucher's 
army  corps,  commanded  by  a  Frenchman,  General 
Langeron ;  and  when  they  had  secured  this  important 
position,  the  Allies  at  once  turned  their  guns  on  the 
capital.  At  about  half-past  four  shells  and  cannon- 
balls  began  to  fall  in  what  is  now  the  Quarter  of  the 
Chaussde  d'  An  tin,  and  a  general  bombardment  seemed 
imminent. 

Chateaubriand  says  of  their  last  hour:  "  The  crowd 
hurried  to  the  Jardin  des  Plantes,  which  the  fortified 
abbey  of  Saint  Victor  might  have  protected;  the  little 
home  of  the  swans  and  the  banana-trees,  to  which 
our  power  had  promised  eternal  peace,  was  disturbed. 


136  THE  INVASION  OF  1814- 

From  the  top  of  the  labyrinth,  above  the  great  cedar, 
above  the  storehouses  which  Bonaparte  had  not  had 
time  to  finish,  beyond  the  site  of  the-  Bastille  and  of 
the  dungeon  of  Vincennes  (places  full  of  historical 
memories),  the  multitude  watched  the  combat  of 
Belleville.  Montmartre  was  carried,  and  bullets 
reached  the  boulevard  du  Temple.  A  few  companies 
of  the  National  Guard  sallied  forth  and  lost  three 
hundred  men  in  the  fields  about  the  tombs  of  the 
martyrs.  Never  did  the  military  spirit  of  France 
shine  in  a  brighter  light  in  defeat;  the  last  heroes 
were  five  hundred  young  men  of  the  Polytechnic 
School,  who  were  directing  the  artillery  in  the  Vin- 
cennes redoubts.  Though  surrounded  by  the  enemy, 
they  refused  to  yield :  they  had  to  be  dragged  away 
from  their  guns.  The  Russian  Grenadiers  seized 
them  blackened  with  powder  and  covered  with 
wounds;  while  they  struggled  in  their  arms  there 
rose  cries  of  victory  and  admiration  for  the  young 
French  heroes,  who  were  handed,  covered  with  blood, 
to  their  mothers." 

Alas !  this  glorious  resistance  was  at  an  end.  Every- 
thing has  its  limits,  even  heroism.  Twenty-two  years 
of  unprecedented  triumph  ended  in  this  chivalrous 
and  mournful  way.  The  death-roll  attests  the  obsti- 
nate rally  of  the  defenders  of  Paris ;  of  twenty-four 
thousand  killed  and  wounded,  there  were  six  thou- 
sand French  soldiers,  nine  hundred  National  Guards, 
and  more  than  seventeen  thousand  of  the  foreigners. 

At  five  in  the  evening  the  conference  about  the 


THE  BATTLE  OF  PARIS.  137 

suspension  of  hostilities  was  drawing  to  a  close.  To 
an  insulting  request  to  lay  down  their  arms,  the  two 
marshals  answered  by  a  gesture  of  indignant  scorn ; 
when  it  was  proposed  that  they  leave  Paris  and  take 
the  road  to  Brittany,  they  answered  that  they  would 
go  where  they  pleased.  The  sole  condition  they  ac- 
cepted was  to  evacuate  Paris  in  the  night  and  to  sur- 
render the  gates  in  the  morning.  It  was  agreed  that 
the  officers  would  meet  in  the  evening  to  settle  the 
details  of  the  evacuation,  and  shortly  after  five  the 
suspension  of  hostilities  was  determined. 

Still  all  was  not  over.  While  the  discussion  was 
going  on,  the  Allies,  who  were  masters  of  Montmartre, 
advanced  as  far  as  the  Clichy  gate.  There  they 
found  a  brave  veteran,  a  man  of  sixty,  Marshal 
Moncey,  Duke  of  Conegliano,  Major-General  of  the 
National  Guard  of  Paris.  About  him  were  grouped 
citizen-soldiers  as  brave  and  devoted  as  the  Spartans 
of  Leonidas  at  Thermopylae.  Old  men  and  young, 
invalides,  students,  were  serving  the  artillery  outside 
of  the  gate.  The  armistice  had  just  been  concluded, 
but  the  Allies,  doubtless  ignorant  of  the  fact,  attacked 
the  little  phalanx.  The  National  Guard  defended 
themselves  like  lions.  The  rue  de  Clichy  was  cov- 
ered with  barricades.  Then  the  suspension  of  hos- 
tilities was  announced ;  but  the  Russians  made  what 
seemed  an  offensive  movement,  and  the  National 
Guard  reopened  their  fire,  which  Langeron  and 
Moncey  hastened  to  stop. 

Those  who  admire  this  noble  end  of  so  many  glo- 


138  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

ries  will  recall  the  monument  raised  in  commemo- 
ration of  this  proud  memory.  On  a  huge  stone 
pedestal  stands  the  bronze  statue  of  Marshal  Moncey, 
bareheaded,  sword  in  hand.  Above  him  stands  the 
city  of  Paris,  represented  by  a  beautiful  woman, 
whose  head  is  adorned  by  a  mural  crown ;  she  holds 
in  her  hand  a  standard  decorated  with  an  eagle ;  at 
her  feet  a  dead  National  Guardsman  lies  stretched 
over  a  cannon  with  broken  wheels.  On  one  side  of 
the  pedestal  is  this  inscription:  "In  the  reign  of 
Napoleon  III.,  in  memory  of  the  defence  of  Paris 
by  Marshal  Moncey,  Major-General  of  the  National 
Guard,  March  30,  1814,  at  the  Clichy  gate,  this 
monument  has  been  erected  by  the  city  of  Paris  in 
1869."  On  the  other  side  of  the  pedestal  is  repro- 
duced in  stone  the  famous  picture  of  Horace  Vernet, 
—  that  impressive,  heroic  picture,  of  which  the  Resto- 
ration was  as  much  afraid  as  of  B  Granger's  songs. 


XL 


NAPOLEON   AT  THE  FOUNTAINS   OF  JUVISY. 

MARCH  30,  1814,  at  about  ten  in  the  evening, 
post-horses  galloped  into  the  village  of  Fro- 
menteau,  five  leagues  from  the  capital,  near  the  Foun- 
tains of  Juvisy,  drawing  a  modest  carriage.  In  this 
carriage  sat  a  man  who,  with  feverish  anxiety,  was 
counting  the  minutes,  the  seconds,  and  continually 
urging  on  the  postilion.  This  man  was  Napoleon, 
who  was  accompanied  by  Caulaincourt  and  Berthier. 
He  had  pushed  on  ahead  of  his  troops,  hoping  to 
reach  Paris  in  season.  When  he  stopped  to  change 
horses  at  Fromenteau  he  knew  nothing  of  what  had 
taken  place  that  day  and  the  day  before,  —  nothing 
of  the  flight  of  his  wife  and  son,  nothing  of  the  battle 
of  Paris  and  of  the  capitulation.  All  was  lost,  and 
he  was  still  hoping  that  all  could  be  saved.  He  was 
expecting  news  in  the  most  painful  anxiety,  when 
suddenly,  in  the  dim  light,  he  descried  uniforms. 
To  his  great  surprise  he  saw  before  him  General 
Belliard.  "What!  you,  Belliard?"  he  exclaimed. 
"What  does  this  mean?  You  here  with  your  cav- 
alry?    Where  is  the  enemy?" — "At  the  gates  of 

139 


140  THE  INVASION  OF  18U. 

Paris,  Sire."  —  "And  the  army?"  —  "It  is  following 
me."  —  "  And  who  are  guarding  the  capital  ?  "  —  "  The 
National  Guard,  Sire."  —  "And  my  son,  my  wife,  my 
government  —  where  are  they?"  —  "On  the  Loire." 
"  The  Loire !  .  .  .  How  could  they  make  such  a 
decision?"  —  "But,  Sire,  it  was  said  to  be  done  by 
your  orders."  —  "  And  Joseph,  Clarke,  Marmont,  Mor- 
tier,  —  what  has  become  of  them  ?  What  have  they 
done?" 

Then  General  Belliard  described  everything  that 
had  happened  that  day  and  the  day  before,  —  the 
departure  of  Marie  Louise  and  the  King  of  Rome, 
that  of  Joseph  and  the  Ministers,  the  bloody  battle 
of  Paris,  the  terrible  struggle  of  la  Villette  and 
Belleville,  the  suspension  of  hostilities  determined  at 
five  o'clock  the  previous  evening,  the  capitulation, 
the  clause  of  which  at  that  very  moment  Marmont 
was  about  drawing  up.  Then  Napoleon  understood 
why  General  Belliard  happened  to  be  at  the  Foun- 
tains of  Juvisy.  Belliard  was  in  command  of  the 
cavalry  of  Mortier's  army  corps,  and  had  been  fight- 
ing bravely  all  day.  After  the  signing  of  the 
armistice  Marmont  and  Mortier  ordered  that  the 
troops  who  were  compelled  to  evacuate  the  city 
should  move  towards  Fontainebleau.  Ever  since  the 
two  marshals  had  joined  forces  Marmont  had  con- 
tinually been  in  front  in  advancing  on  the  enemy 
and  at  the  rear  in  retreating,  up  to  the  suppression  of 
hostilities.  Mortier's  corps  had  set  out  first  on  the 
road  to  Fontainebleau,  while  Marmont's  bivouacked 


NAPOLEON  AT  THE  FOUNTAINS  OF  JUVISY.     141 

that  night  in  the  Champs  Elyse*es,  to  start  at  seven 
the  next  morning.  At  last  Napoleon  grasped  the 
full  extent  of  the  catastrophe.  General  Belliard  set 
before  him  the  excellent  conduct  of  the  troops,  the 
really  heroic  obstinacy  with  which  they  had  defended 
the  hills  commanding  Paris.  He  said  that  even 
Montmartre  had  been  defended,  although  he  had 
only  his  cavalry,  a  few  firemen,  and  seven  cannon, 
and  that  the  enemy  had  advanced  a  column  along 
the  road  of  the  ReVolte  to  turn  Montmartre,  thereby 
exposing  itself  to  being  driven  into  the  Seine.  "  O 
Sire ! "  he  exclaimed,  "  if  we  had  only  had  a  reserve 
of  ten  thousand  men,  we  should  have  driven  the 
Allies  into  the  Seine,  have  saved  Paris,  and  had  a 
noble  revenge."  "Doubtless,  if  I  had  been  there, 
but  I  couldn't  be  everywhere !  .  .  .  My  two  hun- 
dred cannon  at  Vincennes,  what  was  done  with 
them?  and  my  brave  Parisians,  why  were  they  not 
made  use  of?"  —  "We  don't  know,  Sire.  We  were 
alone,  and  we  did  our  best.  The  enemy  lost  at  least 
twelve  thousand  men."  "It's  what  I  might  have 
expected.  Joseph  lost  me  Spain,  and  is  losing  me 
France  !  .  .  .  But  there  is  no  need  of  complaining ; 
we  must  make  good  the  harm;  there  is  still  time. 
Caulaincourt,  my  carriage  ! " 

The  carriage  did  not  come,  and  Napoleon  was 
greatly  agitated,  pacing  up  and  down  with  long 
strides,  followed  by  General  Belliard.  "Well,"  he 
said,  "  you  hear  what  I  say.  I  mean  to  go  to  Paris." 
"  But,  Sire,  you  will  not  find  a  French  soldier  there." 


142  THE  INVASION  OF  18 U. 

"  That  makes  no  difference ;  I  shall  find  the  National 
Guard  there.  To-morrow,  or  next  day,  my  army  will 
join  me,  and  I  shall  set  things  straight."  And  in 
even  greater  agitation  the  Emperor  continued  to  pace 
up  and  down.  Belliard  tried  to  convince  him  that 
this  was  an  idle  dream ;  that  an  insurmountable  diffi- 
culty stood  in  his  way, — the  absence  of  his  army. 
The  troops  who  had  defended  Paris  were  bound  by 
the  agreement  made  the  previous  evening  not  to  leave 
a  single  soldier  within  its  gates,  so  Napoleon  would 
be  alone.  "What  difference  does  that  make?"  he 
shouted  angrily.  "I  mean  to  go  to  Paris,  and  to 
Paris  I  go.  My  carriage !  Bring  my  carriage ! " 
Belliard  respectfully  suggested  that  since  he  had 
left  Paris  under  the  terms  of  the  convention,  he 
could  not  return  thither  without  infringing  them. 
Besides,  the  Emperor  would  find  the  enemy  at  the 
gates  of  the  capital,  and  they  would  prevent  his 
entering.  The  Emperor's  arrival  would  be  the  signal 
of  a  bombardment.  "Let  us  be  off,"  repeated  the 
furious  monarch ;  "  I  mean  to  go  to  Paris.  When  I 
am  away,  everything  is  muddled." 

Napoleon  continued  to  call  for  his  carriage,  and  as 
he  paced  to  and  fro  broke  out  in  lamentations  and  the 
severest  recriminations.  Why  had  not  a  general  levy 
been  made  in  Paris  ?  Why  had  they  not  built  forti- 
fications, palisades,  earthworks,  furnished  them  with 
artillery,  and  entrusted  them  to  the  National  Guard, 
which  would  have  defended  them  bravely?  Mean- 
while the  troops  of  the  line  might  have  fought  before 


NAPOLEON  AT  THE  FOUNTAINS  OF  JUVISY.     143 

the  city,  on  the  heights,  and  in  the  plain.  What! 
only  a  few  wretched  palisades  at  the  gates  ?  Only 
seven  guns  on  Montmartre?  What  had  become  of 
the  artillery?  There  ought  to  be  provisions  for  a 
month  in  Paris,  and  more  than  two  hundred  heavy 
guns  for  its  defence.  Belliard  told  the  Emperor  that 
he  had  seen  only  field-pieces,  and  these  were  so  ineffi- 
cient that  at  two  o'clock  they  could  only  be  fired 
seldom  lest  they  should  burst.  Then  Napoleon  raised 
his  eyes  to  heaven  and  denounced  his  brother. 

Might  he  not  have  blamed  himself  as  well?  Might 
it  not  have  been  said  to  him,  "  Why  didn't  you  your- 
self have  those  defences  made,  under  your  own  eyes, 
when  the  invasion  began  ?  Why  did  you  refuse  to 
admit  that  the  capital  might  some  day  be  attacked  ? 
Why  did  you  leave  so  few  of  the  National  Guard? 
Why  didn't  you  have  fifty  thousand  muskets  to  dis- 
tribute among  the  Parisians  ?  Why  did  you  add  to 
the  danger  instead  of  diminishing  it?  You  fancied 
Paris  impregnable,  and  now  it  is  taken." 

Troops  were  seen  advancing ;  not  cavalry,  but  the 
infantry  of  Mortier's  corps.  The  Emperor,  still 
pacing  the  road,  recognized  General  Curial,  and  plied 
him  with  questions.  This  officer  corroborated  all 
that  Belliard  had  said.  Marshal  Mortier,  as  well  as 
Marmont,  was  still  in  Paris,  and  neither  the  infantiy 
nor  the  cavalry  could  return  thither.  Napoleon 
found  himself  without  a  single  soldier ;  this  cavalry 
and  this  infantry  were  of  no  use  to  him.  Convinced 
by  the  evidence,  he  stopped  at  the  two  fountains  near 


144  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

Juvisy,  sat  down,  and  for  a  few  moments  sadly  and 
silently  held  his  head  in  his  hands.  "  Where  is  the 
nearest  shelter?"  he  then  asked.  He  was  told  it 
was  at  the  post-station  of  Fromenteau,  where  his 
carriage  had  stopped.  He  returned  to  the  house  and 
went  in ;  then,  by  the  dim  light  of  a  wretched  lamp, 
he  opened  his  map  and  began  to  study  it.  He  said, 
"If  I  had  my  army  here,  all  could  be  made  good. 
Alexander  will  show  himself  to  the  Parisians.  He 
is  not  bad ;  he  doesn't  want  to  burn  Paris.  He  will 
hold  a  review  to-morrow,  and  will  have  half  of  his 
soldiers  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Seine,  and  the  other 
half  on  the  left ;  there  will  be  some  in  Paris,  some 
outside ;  and  in  this  position,  if  I  only  had  my  army, 
I  could  crush  them  all."  Some  one  said  that  the 
army  would  not  arrive  for  four  days.  "  Four  days ! " 
he  went  on;  "oh!  in  two  days,  and  in  Paris,  how 
much  disloyalty !  The  Empress  herself !  .  .  .  Yes, 
I  wanted  her  to  go,  for  Heaven  knows  what  her  inex- 
perience might  not  have  led  her  to  do !  "  Then  he 
began  to  pore  over  the  map  again,  and  in  a  few 
moments  again  raised  his  head,  his  face  afire  with 
sudden  inspiration,  and  cried  out:  "I've  got  them! 
I've  got  them !  God  has  placed  them  in  my  hands. 
But  I  must  have  four  days.  Caulaincourt,  you  can 
gain  me  these  four  days  by  negotiating.  You  will 
go  to  the  Emperor  Alexander."  "Sire,"  replied 
Caulaincourt,  "would  it  not  be  well  to  negotiate 
seriously,  to  yield  to  circumstances,  if  not  to  men, 
and  to  accept  the  Chatillon  proposals,  at  least  the 


NAPOLEON  AT  THE  FOUNTAINS  OF  JUVIST.     145 

main  ones?"  "No,  no!"  answered  the  Emperor. 
44  No  further  humiliations  !  no  shameful  peace  !  This 
concerns  the  greatness  of  France,  its  honor.  This 
can  only  be  finally  settled  by  the  sword.  I  only  want 
four  days.  You  alone  can  get  them  from  Alexander 
in  face  of  all  the  intrigues  that  will  beset  me.  So 
go  at  once.  As  for  me,  I  am  going  to  Fontainebleau 
to  wait  for  you  and  the  army,  and  to  prepare  to 
avenge  this  momentary  humiliation  of  France." 

Caulaincourt  started  for  Paris,  carrying  the  follow- 
ing paper,  signed  by  Napoleon :  44  We  command  the 
Duke  of  Vicenza,  our  Master  of  the  Horse  and  Min- 
ister of  Foreign  Affairs,  to  visit  the  allied  sovereigns 
and  the  commander-in-chief  of  their  armies,  to  recom- 
mend to  them  our  faithful  subjects  of  the  capital. 
By  these  presents  we  invest  him  with  all  power  to 
negotiate  and  conclude  peace,  promising  to  ratify 
whatever  he  may  do  for  the  good  of  our  service.  In 
case  of  need,  we  also  invest  him  with  military  powers, 
to  be  the  governor  and  commissioner  of  this  good 
city  together  with  the  commander-in-chief  of  the 
Allies.  Accordingly  we  order  everTr  official  to  recog- 
nize the  Duke  of  Vicenza  in  the  said  position,  and  to 
aid  him  in  all  that  he  shall  do  for  the  benefit  of  our 
service  and  of  our  people."  At  the  same  time  Napo- 
leon despatched  a  messenger  to  the  Emperors.  Then, 
utterly  exhausted,  —  for  he  had  travelled  for  sixty 
leagues  on  horseback  and  by  post,  without  stopping,  — 
he  fell  asleep  in  a  wretched  chair.  At  about  four  in 
the  morning  he  was  awakened  by  a  bearer  of  de- 


146  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

spatches  from  Paris,  who  brought  him  word  that 
Marmont  had  finally  concluded  the  capitulation  two 
hours  before.  This  paper  was  signed  by  four  colonels : 
Colonel  Orion0,  an  aide-de-camp  of  the  Emperor  of 
Russia ;  Colonel  Paar,  Prince  Schwarzenberg's  aide  ; 
Colonel  Fabvier,  of  the  staff  of  the  Duke  of  Ragusa ; 
and  Colonel  Denys,  this  marshal's  first  aide-de-camp. 
It  was  agreed  that  the  French  troops  should  evacuate 
Paris  at  seven  in  the  morning,  that  hostilities  should 
not  be  renewed  till  two  hours  later,  that  is  to  say, 
March  31,  at  9  a.m.  ;  that  the  National  Guard  should 
be  maintained,  disarmed,  or  disbanded,  as  the  Allies 
might  determine ;  that  the  wounded  men  or  strag- 
glers who  remained  in  Paris  after  7  a.m.  should  be 
prisoners  of  war;  finally,  the  city  was  entrusted  to 
the  generosity  of  the  Powers. 

Illusions  were  no  longer  possible.  The  Emperor 
perceived  that  it  was  useless  for  him  to  think  of 
leaving  for  Paris.  The  Allies,  coming  down  from 
the  heights  of  Vincennes,  had  forced  the  bridge  of 
Charenton  and  occupied  the  plain  of  Villeneuve  Saint 
George;  their  bivouac  fires  lit  up  the  hills  on  the 
right  bank,  while  the  other  side,  on  which  was  Napo- 
leon, was  dark.  Hence  he  decided  to  start  at  four,  in 
his  carriage,  not  for  Paris,  but  for  Fontainebleau. 


XII. 

THE  REGENCY  IN  FLIGHT. 

MEANWHILE,  what  had  become  of  Marie 
Louise?  Possessing  a  mere  shadow  of  gov- 
ernment, she  bore  more  likeness  to  a  fugitive  than  to 
a  sovereign.  She  was  uncertain  where  she  should 
stop,  at  Blois,  at  Orleans,  or  at  Tours.  Everything 
was  dark  and  vague  before  her.  As  we  said,  she  left 
Paris,  March  29,  at  eleven  in  the  morning,  and 
reached  the  castle  of  Rambouillet  the  same  day ; 
there  she  passed  the  night.  An  eye-witness,  the 
Baron  de  Bausset,  who  accompanied  the  Empress  as 
her  Prefect  of  the  Palace,  says  in  his  Memoirs: 
"Certainly  nothing  was  less  like  a  court  journey 
than  this  tumultuous  retreat  of  people  and  luggage. 
However,  when  they  were  once  assembled  in  the 
castle  of  Rambouillet,  every  one  tried  to  hide  the 
depression  which  was  inspired  by  the  critical  state  of 
affairs  which  threatened  the  ruin  of  the  government 
and  of  the  court.  This  flight  was  certainly  remark- 
able in  many  ways.  Every  one  was  at  his  post,  in 
full  dress,  and  there  was  no  modification  of  the  usual 
formality.      The   minutest   rules   of   etiquette  were 

'  147 


148  THE  INVASION  OF  18 14. 

observed  with  scrupulous  care,  as  if  this  could  delay 
their  overthrow.  The  last  thing  talked  about  was 
the  events  of  the  day  and  what  might  happen  on  the 
morrow.  Nothing  betrayed  the  secret  thoughts  and 
feelings  of  the  company."  It  seems  as  if  courtiers, 
in  adversity  as  well  as  in  prosperity,  regarded  it  as  a 
professional  duty  to  hide  the  truth  from  princes. 

"Yet,"  M.  de  Bausset  goes  on,  "there  was  one 
good  trait-  in  this  side  of  the  manners  of  the  court, 
and  that  was  the  care  taken  to  keep  from  the  Em- 
press all  knowledge  of  the  desertions  of  former 
friends,  of  the  bad  results  of  her  flight,  and  of  the 
successive  blows  received  by  the  Imperial  power. 
The  ranks  closed,  and  thus  formed  about  the  Empress 
and  her  son,  a  band  of  persons  full  of  the  most 
honorable  and  most  disinterested  devotion."  How- 
ever disinterested  the  devotion  may  appear,  it  is  not 
to  be  forgotten  that,  March  29,  1814,  the  cause  of 
Marie  Louise  and  of  the  King  of  Rome  did  not  yet 
seem  hopeless.  Nothing  was  more  uncertain  than 
the  return  of  the  Bourbons,  and  many  who  thought 
it  impossible  that  Napoleon  should  longer  reign, 
regarded  the  accession  of  his  son,  with  Marie  Louise 
as  Regent,  as  a  not  merely  possible,  but  very  prob- 
able contingency.  Possibly  this  last  illusion  in- 
spired some  of  the  obsequious  zeal  of  these  courtiers 
of  the  fleeing  Empress. 

March  30,  she  left  Rambouillet  and  spent  the  night 
at  Chartres,  without  any  news  of  the  battle  of  Paris 
or  of  the  Emperor.     King  Joseph,  who  had  left  the 


THE  REGENCY  IN  FLIGHT.  149 

capital  at  four  in  the  afternoon,  shortly  before  the 
battle  ended,  reached  Chartres  that  night,  and  re- 
ceived the  next  day  a  letter  which  Napoleon  had 
written  just  before  leaving  Fromenteau.  The  same 
day  at  five  in  the  afternoon  Joseph  wrote  to  his 
brother : — 

"  Sire  :  I  sent  you  this  morning  a  letter  by  a  dis- 
guised messenger.  This  evening  I  receive  Your 
Majesty's  letter  of  this  morning.  I  forward  to  the 
Empress  the  one  addressed  to  her.  I  shall  leave 
to-night  to  join  her.  She  ought  to  have  gone  first  to 
Tours.  In  accordance  with  Your  Majesty's  com- 
mands, she  will  go,  with  the  government,  to  Blois. 
That  is  also  the  opinion  of  the  Ministers  who  are 
here,  and  leave  this  evening.  The  Empress  and  the 
King  of  Rome  are  very  well ;  I  saw  them  this  morn- 
ing. This  evening  they  will  be  at  Chateaudun.  The 
Ministers  of  War,  of  the  Administration  of  the  War, 
of  Finance,  of  the  Treasury,  of  the  Interior,  of  the 
Navy,  are  here.  Your  Majesty  must  have  heard  from 
the  marshals  everything  that  has  happened,  and  by 
what  I  said  to  M.  Dejean,  Your  Majesty's  aide-de- 
camp. The  enemy's  force  was  very  great.  The 
Dukes  of  Treviso  and  of  Ragusa  could  not  resist  it." 

March  31,  Marie  Louise  slept  at  Chateaudun,  and 
reached  Venddme  April  1.  The  next  morning  she 
left  this  place  for  Blois.  From  Vend6me,  April  2, 
at  11  a.m.,  Joseph  wrote  to  Napoleon :  — 

"  Sire  :  The  Empress  has  just  left  for  Blois,  where 
she  means  to  stop  to-morrow  to  let  her  escort  and  the 


150  TEE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

horses  rest.  She  exhibits  a  calmness  and  a  courage 
exceptional  in  her  sex  and  her  age.  I  am  waiting 
for  horses  and  my  family  before  leaving.  The  Min- 
isters of  the  Interior  and  of  War  are  writing  to  Your 
Majesty.  The  state  of  the  departments  is  such  that 
I  do  not  doubt  that  Your  Majesty  will  do  anything 
to  make  peace.  The  Ministers  and  courtiers  whom 
I  see  exhibit  firmness  and  devotion.  I  have  received 
only  two  letters  in  cipher.  Since  neither  M.  Campi 
nor  M.  d'Hauterive  has  arrived,  I  have  been  unable 
to  read  them.  The  Archchancellor  left  shortly 
before  the  Empress.  After  your  letter  of  the  21st, 
I  did  not  receive  any  till  that  of  the  31st.  The 
Archchancellor  has  received  a  letter  from  M.  de 
Bassano,  in  accordance  with  which  he  means  to 
assemble  the  Ministers.  He  has  read  it  to  the  Em- 
press as  well  as  to  me.  It  will  be  hard  for  all  the 
Ministers  to  meet  at  Blois  to-morrow  evening.  So 
far  only  those  of  War  and  of  Interior  have  arrived ; 
none  have  any  decided  opinions  ;  their  information  is 
too  meagre,  and  they  seem  to  desire  that  Your  Maj- 
esty should  in  his  wisdom  appoint  the  most  suitable 
resting-place,  which  can  only  be  determined  by  the 
military  conditions.  I  enclose  a  package  from  the 
Minister  of  the  Interior,  with  despatches  from  the 
Viceroy." 

The  same  day,  April  2,  Joseph  wrote  likewise  from 
Vend6me,  to  Marshal  Berthier,  who  was  at  Fontaine- 
bleau  with  Napoleon  :  "  I  have  your  letter  of  March 
31,  from  Fontainebleau.     We  shall  be  at  Blois  this 


THE  REGENCY  IN  FLIGHT.  151 

evening.  The  Ministers  of  the  Interior  and  of  War 
are  replying  to  Your  Highness.  The  lack  of  arms 
still  prevails.  The  other  Ministers  will  not  reach 
Blois  before  to-morrow.  The  Empress  has  left  to  get 
there  this  evening.  I  hope  at  Blois  to  hear  from 
Your  Highness  and  to  learn  the  Emperor's  positive 
decision  about  the  destination  of  the  court  and  the 
government.  I  beg  Your  Highness  to  have  confi- 
dence in  my  old  and  lasting  friendship.  In  one 
word:  everything  here  indicates  the  need  of  peace. 
If  it  is  possible  to  treat,  it  must  be  done  at  any  price. 
The  Royalists  are  beginning  to  show  themselves; 
peace  of  any  sort  will  destroy  a  party  that  a  con- 
tinuation of  the  war  will  make  dangerous." 

o 

Marie  Louise  had  a  wretched  journey  from  Ven- 
d6me  to  Blois.  It  rained  in  torrents ;  the  roads  were 
bad,  and  the  carriages  were  out  of  repair.  In  the 
morning  of  Saturday,  April  2,  the  first  detachments 
of  cavalry  began  to  arrive  at  Blois,  soon  followed  by 
the  baggage-wagons  and  by  the  fifteen  wagons  with 
the  contents  of  the  Treasury.  At  about  three  in  the 
afternoon  the  Prefect  of  the  Department  set  forth  to 
meet  the  Empress  and  the  King  of  Rome.  The 
National  Guard  and  the  governors  were  under  arms 
on  each  side  of  the  road.  At  five  o'clock,  Marie 
Louise  and  her  son  entered  the  city  amid  an  immense 
multitude,  which  remained  perfectly  silent.  The 
leading  citizens  and  the  officials,  especially  those  who 
lived  nearest  the  prefecture,  had  been  invited  to  pre- 
pare   lodging    for   Madame    Bonaparte,   Napoleon's 


152  THE  INVASION  OF  18U. 

mother,  for  Kings  Joseph,  Louis,  and  Jerome ;  for  the 
Archchancellor,  the  Ministers,  the  principal  officials, 
and  finally,  for  eighteen  hundred  soldiers.  The  city 
of  Blois  rises  in  the  form  of  an  amphitheatre,  on  the 
left  bank  of  the  Loire.  The  prefecture  crowns  one 
of  the  ends  of  this  amphitheatre,  and  is  reached  only 
by  very  steep  streets,  or  by  flights  of  more  than  a 
hundred  steps.  The  Ministers,  who  lived  in  the 
lower  part  of  the  city,  had  to  climb  these  steps. 
Cambace*res,  who  lived  half-way  up,  took  a  sedan- 
chair  to  go  to  the  prefecture. 

Then  Marie  Louise  saw  herself  surrounded  by  a 
whole  government,  or  rather  the  image  of  a  govern- 
ment, composed  of  her  three  brothers-in-law,  the 
wives  of  Joseph  and  of  Jerome,  and  of  the  Ministers. 
Archchancellor  Cambace*res  preserved  all  the  custom- 
ary rigidity  of  etiquette.  Arrayed  in  his  uniform, 
and  wearing  his  orders,  he  gravely  gave  formal  audi- 
ences. "  The  Empress,"  says  the  Baron  de  Bausset, 
"  presided  over  the  councils  of  the  Regency  with  an 
exactitude  all  the  more  meritorious  because  they  led 
to  nothing :  there  was  no  hope  of  safety  there.  The 
palace  was  like  a  sort  of  headquarters ;  the  Ministers, 
booted  and  spurred,  went  thither  in  undress  uniform, 
without  a  portfolio,  as  if  they  only  awaited  a  word  to 
mount  their  horses  to  put  the  orders  they  should 
receive  into  execution.  Nevertheless,  since  diplo- 
matic forms  never  relax  their  rigidity,  even  in  the 
most  distressing  circumstances,  nothing  came  from 
the   discussions   that   took  place,  probably,  too,  be- 


THE  REGENCY  IN  FLIGHT.  153 

cause  in  such  a  state  of  affairs  there  was  nothing 
to  say." 

April  2,  Napoleon  wrote  from  Fontainebleau  to 
Joseph :  "  I  have  sent  you  word  by  the  Grand  Mar- 
shal not  to  fill  up  Blois.  Let  the  King  of  Wurtem- 
berg  go  into  Brittany  or  towards  Bourges.  I  think  it 
would  be  well  for  my  mother  to  join  her  daughter  at 
Nice,  and  for  Queen  Julia  and  her  children  to  go  to 
Marseilles.  The  Princess  of  Neufch&tel  and  the 
wives  of  the  Marshals  ought  to  go  to  their  estates. 
It  is  natural  that  King  Louis,  who  always  likes  to 
live  in  hot  countries,  should  go  to  Montpelier.  It  is 
important  to  have  as  few  people  as  possible  on  the 
Loire,  and  that  every  one  should  get  settled  without 
making  any  disturbance.  Every  large  colony  always 
upsets  the  inhabitants  more  or  less.  The  road  to 
Provence  is  open,  but  may  be  closed  any  day.  In 
the  memorandum  of  the  Ministers  you  say  nothing 
of  the  Minister  of  Police.  Has  he  come?  I  don't 
know  whether  the  Minister  of  War  has  his  cipher. 
I  have  none  with  you,  and  in  the  lack  of  it  cannot 
write  on  matters  of  importance.  Urge  on  all  the 
most  rigid  economy." 

Joseph,  April  3,  thus  replied :  — 

"Sire:  I  have  yours  of  the  2d.  Mamma  and 
Louis  are  ready  to  follow  your  wishes.  She  will 
need  money;  her  pension  is  six  months  in  arrears. 
Jerome,  too,  has  no  money.  My  wife  has  no  one  at 
Marseilles.  Expenses  are  much  swollen  by  the  fine 
carriages  of  the   court.     I   have   received  no  letter 


154  THE  INVASION   OF  1S14. 

from  the  Grand  Marshal  on  that  subject  or  on  any 
other.  The  Minister  of  Police  has  arrived  here  on 
his  way  back  from  Tours.  To-day's  council  was 
unanimous  in  its  opinion  and  wishes.  We  await 
Your  Majesty's  decision  about  the  place  of  residence. 
May  the  fears  spread  abroad  by  the  news  of  the  Duke 
of  Vicenza  prove  groundless !  The  Minister  of  War 
has  no  cipher  with  Your  Majesty,  neither  have  I. 
The  Minister  of  the  Treasury  and  of  Finance  do  not 
know  how  to  use  theirs.  M.  de  la  Bouillerie  would 
like  to  have  orders  about  the  safety  of  his  charge. 
One  of  the  wagons  containing  two  millions,  which 
had  been  left  in  Paris  when  the  Empress  started, 
has  reached  Orleans.  Might  not  Jerome  be  sent  to 
command  the  army  of  Lyons  ?  " 

As  for  King  Louis,  he  kept  himself  in  obscurity, 
appearing  interested  in  nothing  but  the  performance 
of  the  religious  duties  of  Holy  Week,  which  was  just 
beginning.  Palm  Sunday,  April  3,  Marie  Louise 
heard  mass,  which  was  said  by  Abbe*  Gallois,  priest 
of  the  parish  of  Saint  Louis ;  for  there  was  no  almoner, 
chaplain,  or  clerk  of  the  Imperial  chapel  in  her  suite. 
Poor  woman !  she  needed  all  her  prayers  to  support 
the  misfortunes  now  encompassing  her. 


XIII. 

NAPOLEON   AT   FONTAINEBLEATT. 

ONE  who  visits  Fontainebleau  for  the  first  time 
is  sure  to  be  filled  with  admiration  and  sur- 
prise. Especially  is  this  true  if  the  weather  is  fine 
and  the  palace  is  lit  up  by  the  sun.  Then  one  is 
tempted  to  say:  Happy  are  those  who  live  in  this 
beautiful  spot !  But  afterwards,  as  one  grows  familiar 
with  the  place,  this  first  impression  gives  way  to  one 
of  sadness ;  one  recalls  melancholy  memories  of  the 
famous  personages  who  have  dwelt  here,  and  is  filled 
with  pity  for  what  they  have  suffered  in  these  sumptu- 
ous halls,  and  this  loveliest  of  French  palaces  inspires 
a  profound  melancholy.  This  was  certainly  our  im- 
pression on  the  occasion  of  our  last  visit,  which  took 
place  on  the  14th  of  July,  the  anniversary  of  the 
taking  of  the  Bastille.  That  evening,  the  lanterns 
lit  the  Horseshoe  Staircase,  down  which  Napoleon 
came  to  press  the  eagle  of  the  standard  to  his  heart, 
and  to  take  his  memorable  farewell  of  the  grenadiers 
of  his  guard.  , 

This   Courtyard  of  the  White  Horse  is  certainly 
not  the  most  beautiful  of  the  castle.     It  has  far  less 

166 


156  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

architectural  beauty  than  the  Courtyard  of  the  Foun- 
tain or  the  Oval  Courtyard.  Its  fagade,  composed  of 
five  three-storied  pavilions  with  pointed  roofs,  lacks 
majesty.  The  great  staircase,  called  from  its  shape 
the  Horseshoe  Staircase,  is  too  heavy  for  the  meagre 
pavilion  on  which  it  rests.  The  two  wings,  one  of 
four  stories,  the  other  of  but  one,  are  very  dissimilar, 
and  that  on  the  right,  built  by  the  architects  of  Louis 
XV.,  with  no  artistic  feeling,  is  more  like  a  barrack 
than  a  palace.  Yet  why  is  this  courtyard  always 
so  impressive?  Because  one  always  recalls  Horace 
Vernet's  famous  picture,  and  thinks  of  Napoleon 
coming  down  this  staircase,  pressing  General  Petit 
to  his  breast,  kissing  the  eagle  of  the  banner,  and 
uttering  that  speech  of  which  the  echo  will  resound 
forever. 

As  you  enter  the  gateway  you  come  into  the  vast 
Courtyard  of  the  White  Horse,  so  called  from  a 
plaster  horse,  moulded  by  Catharine  de'  Medici  after 
the  statue  of  Marcus  Aurelius  in  Rome,  which  stood 
in  the  middle  of  the  courtyard  till  1626.  To  the 
right  is  the  new  wing  built  by  Louis  XV. ;  on  the  left 
is  the  wing  of  the  ministers.  At  the  end  of  this  large 
court,  which  measures  five  hundred  feet  by  a  little 
over  two  hundred,  the  fac,ade  comes  into  view  with 
its  five  pavilions ;  before  the  middle  one  is  the  Horse- 
shoe Staircase,  built  in  the  reign  of  Louis  XIII.  Pass- 
ing beneath  this  staircase  you  enter  a  vestibule  on 
the  ground  floor,  opening,  on  the  left,  into  the  chapel 
of  the  Holy  Trinity  built  by  Francis  I.  on  the  site  of 


NAPOLEON  AT  FONTAINEBLEAU.  157 

the  oratory  of  Saint  Louis.  This  is  the  best  place 
for  beginning  the  inspection  of  the  palace. 

On  leaving  the  chapel  you  are  once  more  in  the 
vestibule,  and  a  flight  of  stairs  takes  you  to  the  apart- 
ments of  Napoleon  I.,  all  the  rooms  of  which  open  on 
the  Garden  of  Diana.  First  is  the  ante-chamber  of  the 
ushers,  with  three  windows ;  then  the  room  of  the 
Emperor's  secretaries,  with  two ;  then  two  small  rooms, 
each  with  one  window;  a  drawing-room  with  two 
windows,  which  is  decorated  with  red  hangings :  this 
is  called  the  drawing-room  of  the  abdication.  In  the 
middle  of  the  room  stands  a  little  mahogany  table ; 
if  you  tip  it  a  little,  you  will  see  that  there  has  been 
set  in  it  a  copper  plate  bearing  this  inscription,  which 
is  said  to  have  been  composed  by  Louis  XVIII. : 
u  April  5,  1814,  Napoleon  Bonaparte  signed  his  abdi- 
cation on  this  table,  in  the  King's  workroom,  the 
second  from  the  bedchamber  at  Fontainebleau." 

Louis  XVIII.  took  a  sort  of  satisfaction  in  affirm- 
ing that  the  man  whom  he  had  always  regarded  as  a 
usurper  had  signed  his  abdication  in  the  royal  work- 
room. In  this  same  room  Louis  Philippe  had  placed 
on  a  bracket  a  fac-simile  of  the  abdication.  This  was 
suppressed  during  the  Second  Empire,  but  it  now 
stands  in  a  glass  case  at  the  end  of  the  Gallery  of 
Diana.  Next  to  this  room  is  the  Emperor's  study, 
connected  by  a  narrow  staircase  with  his  private  li- 
brary, on  the  ground-floor  next  to  his  bedroom. 

This  room  has  two  windows  ;  the  fireplace  is  in  the 
style  of  the  time  of  Louis  XVI. ;  the  furniture  is  cov- 


158  THE  INVASION   OF  18U. 

ered  with  Lyons  velvet,  with  everywhere  a  gold  N. ; 
the  candelabra  represent  winged  Victories;  on  the 
walls  Loves  are  painted;  the  doors  are  carved  and 
covered  with  gilt ;  the  clock  is  of  marble  with  cameos 
inserted,  a  gift  of  Pius  VII. :  the  whole  appearance 
of  the  room  is  very  impressive.  It  recalls,  too,  the 
sufferings  of  the  great  man  who  occupied  it,  his 
sleepless  nights  in  which  he  endured  anguish  only 
equalled  by  his  previous  successes,  his  agony  when 
he  had  tried  to  kill  himself  in  despair.  The  room 
looks  out  on  the  Garden  of  Diana,  called  also  the 
Garden  of  the  Orange  House,  which  lies  between  the 
palace  and  a  high  wall  that  intercepts  the  view  of 
the  distance.  It  is  called  the  Garden  of  Diana  after 
a  statue  of  that  goddess  which  stands  there  above  a 
bronze  fountain.  This  fountain  was  built  in  the 
First  Empire,  but  its  marble  basin  had  been  already 
hollowed  by  Henri  IV.  The  garden  is  somewhat 
gloomy ;  on  the  right  stands  the  Chapel  of  the  Holy 
Trinity,  on  the  left  is  the  old  Gallery  of  the  Stags, 
a  melancholy  construction,  which  seems  haunted  by 
the  ghost  of  the  unhappy  Marquis  Monalderchini, 
who  was  so  tragically  put  to  death  here  by  Queen 
Christine  of  Sweden. 

On  the  other  side,  Napoleon's  rooms  open  into  the 
gallery  of  Francis  I.  This  magnificent  gallery,  which 
is  as  long  as  the  Courtyard  of  the  Fountain  is  broad, 
is  to  the  Palace  of  Fontainebleau  what  the  Gallery 
of  the  Mirrors  is  to  that  of  Versailles.  There  it  was 
that,  in  the  first  twenty  days  of  April,  1814,  his  faith- 


NAPOLEON  AT  F0NTA1NEBLEAU.  159 

ful  officers  and  his  last  courtiers  used  to  gather. 
This  is  the  gallery  which  Napoleon  passed  through 
before  going  down  the  Horseshoe  Staircase  to  bid 
farewell  to  his  guard.  It  opens  on  a  terrace  with 
eight  windows,  where  he  often  walked,  seeing,  on  his 
right,  the  rooms  of  the  Pope,  so  long  his  prisoner, 
where  he  uttered  the  words  we  shall  soon  cite.  From 
there,  too,  he  could  see  the  sheet  of  water  at  the  end 
of  the  Courtyard  of  the  Fountain,  bounded  on  one 
side  by  the  walk  of  Madame  de  Maintenon,  on  the 
other  by  the  English  garden. 

Starting  again  from  the  Emperor's  bedroom,  we 
pass  into  the  Council  Hall  with  its  charming  pictures 
by  Boucher  and  Van  Loo.  Next  is  the  Throne  Room, 
the  former  royal  bedchamber,  with  its  magnificent 
chandelier  of  rock  crystal,  the  Imperial  throne  of  red 
velvet,  ascended  by  three  steps,  above  which  hangs  a 
canopy  supported  by  gold  columns.  Beyond  is  the 
boudoir  of  Marie  Antoinette,  with  a  picture  of  Aurora 
adorning  the  ceiling,  and  the  Muses  above  the  doors, 
and  its  mahogany  floor  into  which  is  set  the  Queen's 
monogram ;  and  next  to  that  her  bedroom,  called  the 
Chamber  of  the  Five  Marys,  from  its  having  been 
occupied  by  Maria  de'  Medici,  Maria  Theresa,  the 
wife  of  Louis  XIV.,  Marie  Antoinette,  Marie 
Louise,  and  Marie  Amelie  (it  was  also  the  chamber 
of  the  Empress  Eugenie) ;  then  comes  the  Music 
Room,  which  used  to  be  the  Queen's  Cardroom  in 
the  time  of  Marie  Antoinette ;  and  finally  the  Gal- 
lery of  Diana.     All  these  rooms,  like  those  of  Napo- 


160  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

leon's  apartment,  open  on  the  Garden  of  Diana.  On 
the  ground-floor,  beneath  the  Emperor's  quarters,  are 
the  rooms  in  which  used  to  live  his  mother  and  his 
sister  Pauline,  and  the  one  used  as  his  private  library. 
As  we  have  said,  a  narrow  staircase,  in  which  there 
is  not  space  for  two  people  to  pass,  connects  this 
room  with  the  Emperor's  study  above.  It  is  in  this 
library,  crowded  with  books,  that  Napoleon  spent 
most  of  his  time  after  his  abdication,  searching  in 
histories  for  sufferings  that  rivalled  his  own. 

We  will  not  speak  of  the  sumptuous  apartments 
that  surrounded  the  Oval  Courtyard,  of  the  large 
reception-rooms  of  the  last  of  the  Valois,  of  the  won- 
derful gallery  of  Henri  II.,  decorated  by  Primatic- 
cio,  for  they  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  abdication 
and  the  leave-taking.  The  time  for  pompous  cere- 
monies, for  banquets,  balls,  and  concerts  had  passed. 
Doubtless  Napoleon  recalled  his  former  splendor,  and 
his  brilliant  stay  at  Fontainebleau  after  the  campaign 
of  Wagram,  when,  as  Cambac^res  put  it,  he  seemed 
to  walk  about  in  glory.  He  might  have  said  to  him- 
self :  "  Here  I  inflicted  pain  on  my  tender  and  devoted 
Josephine ;  here  I  dealt  harshly  with  the  Pope,  that 
venerable  man,  who  came  to  Paris  from  Rome  for  my 
coronation.  I  am  punished  for  my  sins.  I  recognize 
the  hand  of  God  in  my  chastisement.  Had  I  not 
repudiated  Josephine,  she  would  now  be  by  my  side. 
I  did  wrong  to  imprison  the  Pope.  He,  not  I,  is  free, 
and  who  knows  if  I  may  not  soon  be  a  prisoner  ?  " 

At  first  Napoleon   did   not   give  way  to   gloomy 


NAPOLEON  AT  FONTAINEBLEAU.  161 

thoughts.  When  he  reached  Fontainebleau,  at  six 
o'clock  in  the  morning  of  March  31, 1814,  and  walked 
in  the  gardens,  he  could  not  yet  measure  the  depth 
of  the  abyss  that  opened  before  him.  He  had  no 
suspicion  of  what  threatened  him.  He  never  for  a 
moment  thought  that  his  best  officers  —  Berthier 
himself  —  would  desert  him ;  that  henceforth  Marie 
Louise  would  be  only  an  Austrian  ;  that  he  should 
never  more  see  wife  or  son;  that  before  the  end  of 
the  month  he  should  be  obliged  to  disguise  him- 
self in  an  Austrian  uniform  to  escape  assassination  at 
the  hands  of  his  own  subjects  ! 

From  the  time  of  Napoleon's  arrival  at  Fontaine- 
bleau until  his  farewell  to  his  guard,  —  that  is  to 
say,  from  the  morning  of  March  31,  1814,  until  the 
afternoon  of  April  20,  —  he  knew  a  succession  of 
agonies  which  only  a  Shakespeare  could  describe. 
The  outlook  grew  darker  from  hour  to  hour;  from 
hour  to  hour  he  was  summoned  to  make  ever  cruder 
sacrifices.  At  first,  with  no  thought  of  abdicating, 
the  Emperor  hoped  by  a  grand  victory  to  drive  the 
foreigners  from  Paris.  Then  his  marshals,  opposing 
him  for  the  first  time,  refused  to  obey  him,  and  com- 
pelled him  to  abdicate.  He  still  thought  to  save  his 
dynasty,  and  abdicated  in  favor  of  his  son.  It  was 
an  illusion !  He  was  compelled  to  abdicate  again, 
and  this  abdication  included  not  only  himself,  but  also 
his  descendants.  He  —  the  Emperor  —  had  to  sign 
away  with  his  own  hands  the  rights  of  the  King  of 
Rome.    He  had  one  consolation  at  least,  —  that  he  did 


162  THE  INVASION   OF  1814. 

not  set  his  signature  opposite  the  clauses  which  he 
regarded  as  disgraceful.  "  I  abdicate,"  he  exclaimed, 
"  I  abdicate ;  but  I  yield  nothing ! "  Yet  even  this  sad 
consolation  was  not  left  him.  He  was  asked  to  sign 
a  lamentable  treaty  granting  his  family  and  himself 
sums  of  money,  —  a  treaty  by  which  the  Bonapartes 
received  alms  from  their  conquerors.  This  time 
the  measure  was  full.  The  vanquished  Titan  could 
not  endure  this  last  humiliation ;  he  abandoned  the 
struggle  and  tried  to  escape  from  fate  by  taking 
poison.  But  here  again  he  was  disappointed ;  Death 
would  have  none  of  him ;  it  required  that  he  should 
live  to  bring  it  fresh  harvests,  to  make  one  final  heca- 
tomb, —  Waterloo !  The  tragedy  which  seemed  ended 
still  had  terrible  scenes  before  the  curtain  fell. 

To  return  to  the  day  of  the  Emperor's  arrival  at 
Fontainebleau,  March  31 :  when  he  saw  once  more  his 
palace,  rich  with  memories  of  his  happiness,  where  he 
had  always  been  obeyed  and  respected,  he  really  be- 
lieved that  his  fortune  had  revived.  That  evening 
and  the  next  morning  soldiers  began  to  arrive  through 
Sens  from  Champagne,  and  through  Essonnes  appeared 
the  vanguard  of  the  troops  who  had  left  Paris.  They 
formed  around  Fontainebleau,  now  become  the  Impe- 
rial headquarters. 

All  the  way  along,  the  soldiers  were  thinking  of 
nothing  but  their  Emperor.  They  said  as  they 
marched:  "We  fought  for  him  till  night.  Let  him 
show  himself.  If  he  is  alive,  let  him  tell  us  what  he 
wants ;  we  are  ready  to  go  on  fighting !     Let  him 


NAPOLEON  AT  F0NTA1NEBLEAU.  163 

lead  us  back  to  Paris  I  If  he  is  dead,  let  us  know  it, 
and  we  will  have  vengeance  !  "  Moncey,  who  com- 
manded the  National  Guard  of  Paris ;  Lefebvre,  who 
made  the  campaign,  in  spite  of  his  sixty  years ;  Ney, 
Macdonald,  Oudinot,  Berthier,  who  had  just  arrived 
from  Troyes;  Marmont  and  Mortier,  who  had  left 
Paris,  all  reported  at  the  Emperor's  headquarters. 
Marmont  established  his  own  headquarters  at  Es- 
sonnes;  Mortier,  at  Mennecy.  The  troops  arriving 
from  Paris  assembled  behind  this  line ;  those  coming 
from  Champagne  took  up  an  intermediate  position 
towards  Fontainebleau.  The  stores  and  the  great 
artillery  park  moved  towards  Orleans. 

The  evening  of  April  1,  Napoleon  had,  at  different 
points,  twenty-five  or  thirty  thousand  men.  If  his 
marshals,  his  generals,  who  had  grown  old  in  harness, 
felt  weary,  the  privates,  non-commissioned  officers,  and 
line  officers  were  still  full  of  ardor :  the  old  ones  set 
an  example  of  intrepidity ;  the  young  ones,  like  their 
elders,  thought  of  nothing  but  battles  and  glory. 
They  felt  like  saying  to  their  superiors  who  were 
spoiled  by  fortune  and  luxury,  "  You  are  tired ;  but 
we  are  not." 

Could  Napoleon  despair,  when  hope  still  inspired 
so  many  of  his  men  ?  With  such  soldiers  under  him, 
he  could  not  endure  to  think  that  he  was  no  longer 
the  arbiter  of  Europe  and  the  master  of  France. 
The  thought  of  his  wife  and  son  in  flight,  of  his  capi- 
tal in  the  hands  of  foreigners,  of  the  Bourbons  ruling 
in  his  place,  seemed  like  a  hideous  nightmare.     He 


164  THE  INVASION  OF  18U. 

was  convinced  that  he  was  soon  to  enter  the  Tuileries 
in  triumph ;  and  as  he  looked  upon  his  faithful  men, 
he  thought :  With  such  soldiers,  nothing  is  impossi- 
ble. To-day  I  am  unlucky,  but  I  shall  have  my 
revenge  to-morrow. 

He  studied  his  maps  and  the  reports  of  his  troops 
with  all  the  ardor  of  his  youth,  saying :  u  While  I  am 
here,  the  enemy  is  more  fatigued  than  I.  His  gen- 
erals, convinced  of  their  safety,  are  scattered  in  the 
different  hotels.  The  soldiers  are  wandering  through 
the  labyrinth  of  the  streets  of  Paris.  A  sudden 
attack  on  the  capital  might  have  the  best  results. 
Why. should  I  not  try  it?  This  is  one  of  those  crises, 
when  the  right  and  wrong  use  of  minutes  may  save 
or  lose  a  crown.  In  Paris  they  are  weaving  plans 
against  me.  My  way  of  meeting  them  is  by  a  great 
military  blow,  a  thunderbolt.  The  Allies  have  lost, 
in  killed  and  wounded,  about  twelve  thousand  men, 
under  the  walls  of  Paris.  They  have  now,  I  know, 
more  than  a  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  men;  I 
shall  soon  have  seventy  thousand.  With  an  army 
like  that,  devoted  to  me,  I  can  do  anything.  Already 
it  calls  upon  me  to  advance ;  why  should  I  hesitate  ? 
My  luck  has  turned ;  the  Allies  have  made  blunders 
for  which  they  will  pay  dear ;  they  have  been  rash 
enough  to  divide  into  three  bodies,  one  of  eighty 
thousand  men  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Seine,  between 
the  Essonnes  and  Paris,  another  inside  of  the  capital, 
a  third  outside  of  the  city,  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Seine.     Their  position  is  fatal  for  them  if  I  know 


NAPOLEON  AT  FONTAINEBLEAU.  165 

how  to  take  advantage  of  it,  and  I  do.  I  shall  beat 
their  three  corps  in  turn.  I  am  going  to  cross  the 
Essonnes  suddenly,  and  drive  Schwarzenberg's  eighty 
thousand  men  back  into  Paris,  and  make  one  last 
appeal  to  the  patriotic  heroism  of  the  inhabitants  of 
the  city,  and  the  tricolor  will  float  in  triumph  over 
the  Tuileries,  on  the  Pavilion  of  the  Clock;  the 
traitors  will  return  to  their  burrows ;  the  peasants  of 
Burgundy,  Champagne,  and  Lorraine  will  complete 
my  work  by  driving  the  Coalition  across  the  Rhine. " 
Such  were  the  plans  that  Napoleon  was  weaving 
at  Fontainebleau,  and  it  would  be  hard  to  say  that 
they  were  mere  illusions.  Thiers  did  not  think  so : 
u  The  opposing  forces  were  very  uneven,  but  the  zeal 
of  the  army, — that,  at  least,  in  the  ranks,  —  Napo- 
leon's genius,  and  local  conditions,  might  well  have 
outweighed  the  numerical  inferiority,  and  everything 
promised  a  fearful  blow  to  either  the  capital  or  the 
Coalition.  When  we  think  of  the  prize  of  success,  if 
Napoleon  had  triumphed,  of  France  restored  to  its 
greatness, — and  its  true  dimensions,  not  the  mad  ones, 
the  Rhine  frontier,  not  that  of  the  Elbe,  —  we  do  not 
hesitate  to  say  that  the  possible  advantage  justified  the 
risk,  even  had  all  the  splendor  of  Paris  perished  in 
the  bloody  struggle.  The  frontier  of  the  Rhine  was 
well  worth  all  that  might  have  been  lost  in  the  capi- 
tal, and  we  could  not  approve  those  who,  after  follow- 
ing Napoleon  to  Moscow,  would  not  have  followed 
him  this  time  to  Paris."  And  the  great  historian 
adds:  "If  he  was  mistaken,  it  seems  to  us  that  it 


166  THE  INVASION  OF  18U. 

was  better  to  be  mistaken  with  him  that  day  than  to 
be  mistaken  with  him  at  Wilna  in  1812,  at  Dresden 
in  1813.  Moreover,  by  overlooking  the  dangers  of 
Paris,  he  reasoned  about  that  city  as  the  Russians 
reasoned  about  Moscow;  and  he  thought  no  price  too 
high  to  pay  for  the  extermination  of  the  enemy  after 
they  had  penetrated  to  the  heart  of  France." 

Meanwhile  time  was  pressing.  A  review  was  held 
before  the  Courtyard  of  the  White  Horse,  April  1  and 
2.  Yet  Napoleon  did  not  advance ;  he  was  waiting 
for  re-enforcements,  and  was  averse  to  taking  any 
decisive  steps  before  he  had  seen  the  Duke  of  Vi- 
cenza,  whom  he  had  sent  to  Paris  to  try  to  treat  with 
the  Allies.  Caulaincourt  reported  at  Fontainebleau  in 
the  night  of  April  2,  but  he  brought  bad  news.  At 
noon,  March  31,  the  Emperor  of  Russia  and  the  King 
of  Prussia  had  entered  Paris,  and  cries  in  favor  of  the 
Bourbons  had  been  heard  as  they  rode  along.  White 
cockades  had  made  their  appearance.  The  Czar  had 
taken  up  his  quarters  in  the  rue  Saint  Florentin,  at 
the  house  of  Talleyrand,  which  was  the  centre  of 
Royalist  intrigues.  The  Senate  had  met  April  1 
with  Talleyrand  as  President,  and  had  appointed  a 
provisional  government  composed  of  Talleyrand, 
Beurnonville,  Jaucourt,  Dalberg,  and  the  Abbe*  de 
Montesquiou.  Caulaincourt  still  thought  that  if 
Napoleon  would  abdicate  without  delay,  there  was 
a  chance  for  the  King  of  Rome.  Alexander  had 
received  him  as  courteously  as  he  had  done  when  he 
represented  at  the  Russian  court  the  hero  of  Auster- 


NAPOLEON  AT  FONTAINEBLEAU.  167 

litz  and  Friedland,  and  had  given  him  some  ground 
for  this  hope.  The  question  of  the  Bourbons  was 
not  absolutely  decided.  "Go  back,"  the  Czar  had 
said ;  "  make  your  master  abdicate,  and  we  will  see. 
Everything  proper  and  honorable  will  be  done.  I 
have  not  forgotten  what  is  due  a  man  so  great  and 
so  unfortunate." 

When  the  Duke  of  Vicenza  reached  Fontaine- 
bleau,  he  reported  all  this  to  the  Emperor,  and 
besought  him  to  abdicate  in  favor  of  the  King  of 
Rome.  "  You  must  not  think,"  answered  Napoleon, 
"that  fortune  has  definitely  decided.  If  I  had  my 
army,  I  should  have  attacked  already,  and  all  would 
have  been  over  in  two  hours ;  for  the  enemy  is  in  a 
most  precarious  position.  What  a  glorious  thing  it 
would  be  to  drive  them  out !  What  a  glorious  thing 
for  the  Parisians  to  repel  the  Cossacks  and  to  give 
them  over  to  the  peasants  of  Burgundy  and  Lorraine, 
who  would  finish  them!  But  it  is  only  postponed; 
day  after  to-morrow  I  shall  have  the  corps  of  Mac- 
donald,  Oudinot,  and  Ge*rard,  and  if  they  follow  me, 
I  shall  change  the  state  of  affairs.  The  commanders 
are  tired,  but  the  men  will  march.  My  old  guard  will 
set  the  example,  and  not  a  soldier  will  hesitate  to 
follow  them.  In  a  few  hours,  my  dear  Caulaincourt, 
all  may  be  changed."  And  he  added:  "No,  all  is 
not  over  yet.  They  try  to  get  rid  of  me,  because 
they  know  that  I  alone  can  alter  our  fortune.  I  do 
not  care  for  the  throne;  of  that  you  may  be  sure. 
I  can  become  a  citizen  once  more.     You  know  my 


168  THE  INVASION  OF  1814, 

tastes.  What  do  I  ask  for?  A  little  bread,  if  I 
live;  six  feet  of  earth,  if  I  die.  It  is  true,  I  have 
loved  and  I  still  love  glory,  but  mine  is  beyond  the 
reach  of  human  hands.  If  I  want  to  command  for  a 
few  days  more,  it  is  to  restore  our  fortunes,  to  save 
France  from  her  implacable  enemies."  This  inter- 
view, which  took  place  in  the  Emperor's  bedroom, 
lasted  well  into  the  night.  At  last  Napoleon  sent 
the  Duke  of  Vicenza  off  to  rest,  and  soon  he  was 
himself  sleeping  soundly. 

The  morning  of  April  3  he  woke  up  still  bent  on 
fighting.  So  far  from  preparing  to  abdicate  he  was 
anxious  to  arouse  the  warlike  ardor  of  his  troops  by 
a  speech.  In  the  course  of  the  day  he  assembled  his 
old  guard  in  the  Courtyard  of  the  White  Horse  and 
addressed  them  thus :  "  Officers,  non-commissioned 
officers,  and  soldiers,  the  enemy  have  stolen  three 
marches  on  us.  They  have  entered  Paris.  I  have 
offered  the  Emperor  Alexander  a  peace  bought  by 
great  sacrifices,  —  France  with  its  old  boundaries,  thus 
renouncing  our  conquests,  and  losing  all  we  have 
won  since  the  Revolution.  Not  only  has  he  refused ; 
he  has  done  more :  yielding  to  the  perfidious  sug- 
gestions of  the  e*migre*s  whose  life  I  spared,  whom  I 
loaded  with  benefits,  he  has  authorized  them  to  wear 
the  white  cockade,  which  soon  he  will  substitute  for 
that  of  the  nation.  In  a  few  days  I  shall  attack 
Paris.     I  count  on  you." 

Here  the  Emperor,  who  had  been  listened  to  in 
religious  silence,  stopped  for  a  moment.     Then  re- 


NAPOLEON  AT  FONTAINEBLEAU.  169 

suming,  still  amid  profound  silence,  he  asked,  "  Am 
I  right  ?w  At  once  there  was  an  enthusiastic  cry  of 
"  Long  live  the  Emperor !  To  Paris  !  To  Paris  !  " 
Encouraged  by  their  ardor,  Napoleon  went  on :  "  We 
shall  prove  to  them  that  the  French  nation  rules  in 
its  own  home ;  that  if  we  have  long  been  the  masters 
abroad,  we  shall  always  be  masters  here,  and  that  we 
are  capable  of  defending  our  colors,  our  independ- 
ence, and  the  integrity  of  our  territory.  Communi- 
cate these  sentiments  to  the  soldiers."  When  the 
Emperor  had  finished,  wild  applause  greeted  him. 
The  foot-soldiers  waved  their  guns,  the  cavalry  bran- 
dished their  sabres,  tears  of  rage  and  patriotism  filled 
every  eye.  It  was  not  mere  enthusiasm,  but  a  de- 
lirious fury  that  seized  them.  Patriotic  joy  lit  up 
Napoleon's  face,  a  moment  before  so  gloomy ;  yet  the 
very  next  day  he  was  to  abdicate ! 


XIV. 

THE  FIRST   ABDICATION. 

l^TAPOLEON'S  soldiers  were,  like  himself,  still 
-LM  full  of  ardor.  The  troops  whom  he  reviewed 
in  the  Courtyard  of  the  White  Horse,  April  3,  passed 
before  him  at  double-quick,  shouting  more  ener- 
getically than  ever :  "  Long  live  the  Emperor !  "  An 
eye-witness  has  described  the  march  of  these  valiant 
soldiers  through  the  forest  of  Fontainebleau  after 
the  review;  he  says:  "At  nightfall  the  serried  and 
silent  column  moved  towards  Paris,  marching  with 
firm  and  resolute  step  through  the  Imperial  forest. 
The  venerable  oaks,  the  mighty  trees  under  which 
the  veterans  advanced  towards  almost  certain  death, 
the  moonlight  magnifying  almost  every  object,  lent 
a  certain  majestic  solemnity  to  this  warlike  march. 
A  sullen  and  threatening  silence  prevailed  in  the 
ranks.  Nothing  was  heard  but  the  dull  rolling  of 
the  cannon,  the  regular  footfall  of  the  men,  the 
clatter  of  sabres  and  bayonets.  The  thoughts  of 
these  men  who  had  escaped  from  so  many  battles 
were  full  of  gloom.  Occasionally  they  turned  their 
eyes  sadly  on  the  batteries  of  howitzers  that  accom- 
170 


THE  FIRST  ABDICATION.  171 

panied  them.  It  was  plain  that  they  were  deeply 
impressed  by  the  oath  they  had  just  taken,  and  were 
solemnly  preparing  themselves  either  to  die  or  to 
avenge  the  Emperor  and  the  Empire,  and  to  fall 
under  the  walls  or  beneath  the  blood-stained  ruins  of 
the  capital." 

While  the  men  and  non-commissioned  officers  and 
the  line  officers  were  manifesting  this  heroism,  it  was 
far  otherwise  with  the  principal  leaders,  who  made 
no  effort  to  hide  their  desire  for  peace.  In  the 
immediate  neighborhood  of  the  Emperor's  bedroom, 
in  the  gallery  of  Francis  I.,  they  uttered  their  mur- 
murs and  lamentations.  Whither  does  the  Emperor 
design  to  take  us  ?  they  asked.  What  can  he  hope 
for  now?  There  is  a  limit  to  everything.  Human 
force  is  not  eternal.  We  have  done  enough;  we 
must  have  peace.  Have  we  not  made  enough  sacri- 
fices ?  Must  Paris  be  burned  like  Moscow  ?  Oh ! 
that  is  too  much.  We  must  venture  to  tell  the 
Emperor  the  truth.  We  must  persuade  him  to  abdi- 
cate in  favor  of  his  son. 

What  followed?  By  what  process  was  the  un- 
happy monarch  compelled  to  abdicate  at  the  very 
moment  when  he  hoped  to  regain  his  fortune ;  when 
he  was  about  to  order  the  Imperial  headquarters  to 
be  moved  to  a  point  between  Ponthie*ry  and  Es- 
sonnes ;  when  he  had  just  reviewed  his  faithful 
soldiers,  and  had  uttered  a  most  warlike  speech  to 
them ;  when  he  was  planning  a  terrible  revenge,  to 
crush  the  Allies  under  the  walls  of  Paris,  to  drive 


172  THE  INVASION   OF  18 U. 

them  into  the  Seine,  and   to  scatter  them  beyond 
the  Rhin^? 

Thiers  and  General  de  Segur  do  not  agree  about 
the  details  of  the  scene  which  resulted  in  the  Em- 
peror's decision  to  abdicate.  Thiers  says  it  took 
place  in  the  morning  of  April  4 ;  the  General  says  it 
was  in  the  evening  of  the  3d.  We  are  inclined  to 
think  that  the  story  of  General  de  Se*gur  is  the  more 
accurate.  His  account  runs  thus :  "  These  facts,  which 
I  have  received  from  eye-witnesses,  explain  why  the 
Emperor,  after  his  proclamation  and  the  departure 
of  his  guard,  so  suddenly  and  completely  altered 
his  plan.  They  are,  however,  so  important,  that 
after  writing  them  down,  I  read  them  several  times 
to  these  witnesses  in  order  to  make  sure  of  their  com- 
plete and  thorough  accuracy.  I  should  have  preferred 
to  say  nothing  about  them,  but  that  would  have  been 
an  injustice  not  merely  to  the  cause  of  truth,  but  also 
to  Napoleon ;  it  would  have  been  adding  to  his  mis- 
fortune the  unjust  accusation  of  an  unseemly  betrayal 
of  himself  and  of  our  cause  ;  of  a  faint-heartedness 
which  history,  in  the  absence  of  our  revelations, 
would  judge  unfavorably,  and  which  would  unjustly 
stain  his  memory."  In  a  foot-note,  he  says :  "  Among 
other  witnesses,  I  will  cite  Saint  Aignan,  Fain,  and 
Marshal  Moncey,  who  have  often  assured  me  of  the 
exact  truth  of  my  account,  which  has  also  been  con- 
firmed by  others.  As  for  the  part  which  Marshal 
Macdonald  took  in  this  abdication,  it  is  from  his  own 
dictation  that  I  have  recorded  all  the  particulars/    I 


THE  FIRST  ABDICATION.  173 

have  read  them  over  to  him,  and  he  has  pronounced 
them  absolutely  exact."  Let  us  then  follow  General 
de  Se*gur's  account,  which  bears  every  mark  of  accu- 
racy. 

April  3,  towards  six  in  the  evening,  the  officers 
met  near  the  Emperor's  apartment  in  the  palace  of 
Fontainebleau,  to  give  utterance  to  their  complaints 
and  their  wrath.  Excited  by  all  the  violent  reinarks, 
which  were  like  the  beginning  of  those  seditious 
military  outbreaks  of  which  the  history  of  the  Roman 
Empire  is  full,  the  violent  and  irascible  Marshal  Ney 
undertook  to  persuade  the  Emperor  to  abdicate.  He 
suddenly  burst  into  the  room  of  the  monarch  who 
was  to  reign  but  a  few  hours  more.  "  Sire,"  he  broke 
forth,  "  it  is  time  to  stop.  Your  position  is  that  of  a 
man  on  his  deathbed.  You  must  make  your  will  and 
abdicate  in  favor  of  the  King  of  Rome."  —  "But  we 
can  still  fight.  We  can  recover  our  fortune."  u  No ! 
that  is  impossible.  The  army  will  not  follow  you ;  you 
have  lost  its  confidence."  —  "  The  army  will  be  suffi- 
ciently obedient  to  punish  you  for  your  revolt." 
"  What !  if  you  had  the  power,  should  I  be  here 
now?"  The  Marshal  grew  excited  by  his  own 
words;  his  voice  and  gestures  became  threatening. 
Seeing  that  he  had  gone  too  far,  he  stopped,  and 
added,  more  gently :  "  Don't  be  afraid ;  we  haven't 
come  here  to  act  a  Saint  Petersburg  scene  before  you." 
And  in  a  few  moments  he  withdrew  in  anything  but 
a  respectful  attitude. 

Napoleon  knew  that  he  was  ruined.     What !  one 


174  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

of  his  lieutenants,  a  marshal,  had  dared  to  use  such 
language  to  him,  the  Emperor !  When  men  the  day 
before  so  humble,  so  docile,  presumed  so  far,  all,  he 
saw,  must  be  in  ruins,  the  last  gleam  of  hope  must 
have  vanished.  Illusion  was  impossible.  Napoleon 
saw  his  fate  before  him.  He  knew  that  the  next  day 
he  should  be  forced  to  abdicate.  Then  he  wrote  to 
the  Baron  de  M^neval  a  letter  in  which  he  ordered 
him  to  urge  Marie  Louise  to  appeal  to  her  father  and 
Metternich  to  establish  her  right  to  the  Regency, 
adding  this  sinister  prophecy  —  that  even  this  might 
fail,  in  which  case  everything,  even  death,  would  be 
possible,  and  there  would  then  be  nothing  left  for  the 
Empress  but  to  throw  herself  and  her  son  into  the 
arms  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria. 

The  next  day,  April  4,  at  about  eleven  in  the 
morning,  Ney,  Berthier,  Caulaincourt,  Moncey,  Le- 
febvre,  and  the  Duke  of  Bassano  met  in  the  Emperor's 
dining-room,  and  waited  for  him  there.  Soon  he 
appeared.  "  Stay ! "  he  said  to  them,  without  another 
word;  he  breakfasted  hurriedly,  and  returned  to  his 
drawing-room,  bidding  them  follow.  They  gathered 
about  him  in  silence.  After  meditating  for  a  few 
moments,  he  looked  at  Caulaincourt,  and  exclaimed : 
"  Well,  since  they  refuse  to  treat  with  me,  since  my 
resistance  would  be  the  signal  for  civil  war,  I  am 
willing  to  sacrifice  myself  for  the  happiness  of  France. 
I  will  abdicate."  At  these  words,  Marshal  Moncey 
seized  the  Emperor's  hand,  and  kissing  it  respectfully, 
said :  "  Sire,  you  save  France.     Receive  my  tribute 


THE  FIRST  ABDICATION.  175 

of  admiration  and  gratitude."  Then,  as  Napoleon 
looked  at  him  with  some  surprise,  he  added:  "Do 
not  misunderstand  me,  that  is  my  feeling,  Sire ;  but 
give  the  command,  and  I  shall  follow  you  wherever 
you  please."  Then  the  Emperor  called  his  secretary, 
Baron  Fain,  and  asked  him  to  bring  the  draft  of  the 
abdication.  At  Caulaincourt's  suggestion,  he  made 
two  changes  with  his  own  hand.  "There  it  is,"  he 
said  at  last  to  Caulaincourt,  "  and  so  it  shall  stand.  I 
shall  make  no  further  alterations." 

Caulaincourt  read  the  paper  aloud ;  it  ran  thus : 
"  The  Allied  Powers  having  declared  that  the  Em- 
peror Napoleon  was  the  sole  obstacle  to  the  re-estab- 
lishment of  peace  in  Europe,  the  Emperor  Napoleon, 
faithful  to  his  oath,  declares  that  he  is  ready  to 
descend  from  the  throne,  to  leave  France,  even  to 
die,  for  the  good  of  his  country,  inseparable  from  the 
rights  of  his  son,  from  those  of  the  Empress's  Regency, 
and  the  maintenance  of  the  laws  of  the  Empire.  Done 
at  Fontainebleau,  April  4,  1814." 

When  the  reading  was  over,  Marshal  Oudinot,  the 
Duke  of  Reggio,  and  Marshal  Macdonald,  Duke  of 
Taranto,  were  announced.  They  had  come  from 
Champagne,  a  few  hours  in  advance  of  their  troops, 
who  had  made  the  campaign  with  the  Emperor,  fol- 
lowing him  in  his  march  to  the  east  and  returning 
towards  Paris,  though  in  spite  of  every  effort  they 
had  not  been  able  to  reach  him  in  time  to  save  the 
capital.  At  last  the  three  corps  of  Oudinot,  Mac- 
donald, and  Ge*rard  were  near  Fontainebleau,  —  those 


176  THE  INVASION  OF  18U. 

three  army  corps  which  the  Emperor  longed  for  so 
ardently  when  he  reached  the  Fountains  of  Juvisy, 
alone,  the  night  of  March  30,  at  the  very  moment 
when  the  capitulation  of  Paris  was  about  to  be  signed ! 
They  were  approaching,  and  if  they  were  favorably 
disposed,  and  shared  the  feelings  of  the  troops  the 
Emperor  had  reviewed  the  previous  day,  the  abdica- 
tion just  read  might  be  a  dead  letter. 

When  he  saw  Macdonald,  Napoleon  asked  him  how 
he  was.  "Very  well,  Sire,"  answered  the  Marshal, 
"but  cruelly  distressed  and  very  unhappy  because 
the  fortune  of  arms  has  denied  us  the  last  honor  of 
fighting  before  Paris  and  of  dying  in  defending  our 
capital  from  this  great  affront."  "  Where  are  the 
troops  ?  "  —  "  They  are  arriving,  Sire,  but  determined 
not  to  march  against  Paris.  I  come  in  their  name  to 
say  this  to  you ;  I  come  to  tell  you  that,  however  the 
capital  may  decide,  not  one  of  us  will  draw  his 
sword  against  it,  not  one  of  us  will  moisten  it  with 
the  blood  of  his  compatriots."  "But  I  have  never 
thought  of  such  a  thing.  How  could  you  think  it  ?  " 
—  "Sire,  that  is  what  is  said  everywhere,  and  the 
army  is  united  against  it.  They  say  there  has  been 
enough  misery;  they  refuse  to  make  Paris  another 
Moscow."  "  But  what  an  odious  supposition !  what 
an  absurdity !  Do  you  forget  my  care  and  con- 
stant love  for  the  capital?  Do  you  forget  all  I 
have  done  for  it?" — "But,  Sire,  does  Your  Majesty 
know  all  that  is  going  on  there  ?  "  "  Yes,  I  know 
that  the  Allies  refuse  to  treat  with  me."  —  "That 


THE  FIBST  ABDICATION.  177 

is  not  all;  unfortunately  this  letter  will  tell  you 
more." 

Thereupon  the  Marshal  showed  the  Emperor  a 
letter  which  he  received  from  Beurnonville,  one  of  the 
members  of  the  Provisional  Government.  Instead  of 
bearing  the  address:  "Marshal  Macdonald,  Duke  of 
Taranto,"  it  bore  this :  "  To  Marshal  Macdonald, 
Duke  of  Ragusa."  Macdonald  had  been  given  Mar- 
mont's  title.  Perhaps  it  was  not  an  accidental  mis- 
take ;  possibly  the  writer  had  wanted  both  the  Marshals 
to  read  the  letter.  At  any  rate,  that  is  what  happened. 
Marmont  received  the  letter  first ;  he  opened  it  and 
then  forwarded  it  to  his  colleague.  It  announced 
the  dethronement  of  the  Emperor  and  his  family, 
the  recall  of  the  Bourbons,  the  hope  of  the  English 
constitution  for  France,  the  confirming  of  all  the 
officers  of  the  French  army  in  their  position.  The 
Emperor  took  the  letter,  read  it  calmly,  and  then 
handing  it  to  the  Duke  of  Bassano,  bade  him  read  it 
aloud.  This  done,  Napoleon  exclaimed:  "I  sought 
the  glory  and  happiness  of  France,  but  I  have  failed. 
I  abdicate  and  withdraw."  "  Oh,  Sire !  "  answered 
Marshal  Macdonald,  "  what  a  blow !  I  came  to  urge 
peace,  not  abdication."  "  Yes,"  resumed  the  Em- 
peror, "I  decide  to  abdicate.  But  do  you  agree  to 
receive  my  son  as  my  successor,  and  to  accept  the 
Regency  of  the  Empress?"  They  all  expressed  their 
assent  by  word  and  gesture. 

Who  were  the  plenipotentiaries  to  carry  to  the 
Allies  this  abdication,  and  to  try  a  final  effort  to  save, 


178  THE  INVASION   OF  1S14. 

if  not  Napoleon,  at  least  his  dynasty  ?  This  is  what 
Baron  Fain  says :  "  The  Duke  of  Vicenza  was  pre- 
paring to  carry  the  paper  to  Paris,  and  Napoleon 
appointed  the  Prince  of  Moskowa  as  his  colleague : 
he  wanted  to  add  the  Duke  of  Ragusa,  the  oldest  of 
his  fellow-soldiers  surviving,  feeling  that  in  an  affair 
of  such  vital  importance  for  his  family  he  needed 
such  support  as  his  old  aide  would  give.  This  ap- 
pointment was  about  to  be  made  out  when  some  one 
suggested  to  Napoleon  that  in  a  negotiation  in  which 
the  army  was  concerned  it  would  be  well  to  employ 
a  man  like  the  Duke  of  Taranto,  who  would  have 
more  influence  because  he  was  less  intimate  with 
Napoleon.  The  Duke  of  Bassano,  when  Napoleon 
asked  his  opinion,  thought  that  whatever  Marshal 
Macdonald's  opinions  might  be,  he  was  too  honorable 
a  man  to  act  otherwise  than  with  scrupulous  recti- 
tude in  a  matter  of  this  sort.  Napoleon  at  once 
appointed  the  Duke  of  Taranto  his  third  plenipo- 
tentiary. But  he  still  wanted  the  plenipotentiaries, 
as  they  passed  through  Essonnes,  to  tell  the  Duke  of 
Ragusa  what  had  happened,  but  to  leave  him  free 
to  decide  whether  he  might  not  be  of  more  use  in 
staying  in  command  of  his  corps;  if,  however,  he 
cared  to  take  part  in  this  mission  to  which  he  was 
appointed  through  Napoleon's  special  confidence  in 
him,  lie  would  at  once  receive  full  power." 

Macdonald  prepared  to  leave  at  once  for  Paris, 
with  Ney  and  Caulaincourt,  and  with  Messrs.  Ray- 
neval  and  Rumigny,  their  secretaries,  and  he  took 


THE  FIRST  ABDICATION.  179 

leave  of  the  Emperor;  as  he  had  his  hand  on  the 
half-opened  door,  Napoleon  exclaimed :  "  Come  now, 
let  us  march  to-morrow  morning,  and  we  will  beat 
them  again."  The  Marshal  pretended  not  to  hear, 
and  bustled  down  the  Horseshoe  Staircase,  where  he 
joined  his  companions,  and  drove  off  for  Paris,  to 
open  the  negotiations,  the  last  and  the  only  hope  of 
the  dynasty  of  the  Bonapartes. 


XV. 

THE  DEFECTION  OF  ESSONNES. 

"TVTEY,  Macdonald,  and  Caulaincourt,  invested  with 
-Ll  full  power  by  the  Emperor,  left  Fontaine- 
bleau,  April  4,  1814,  to  go  to  Paris  to  plead  the  cause 
of  Marie  Louise  and  of  the  King  of  Rome.  They 
were  to  stop  at  Essonnes  the  same  day  to  see  Marshal 
Marmont  and  to  ask  the  Prince  of  Wiirtemberg,  the 
commander  of  the  outposts  of  the  Allies,  for  the  safe- 
conduct  they  required  for  crossing  the  enemy's  lines 
and  entering  the  capital. 

Essonnes,  a  village  in  the  department  of  Seine-et- 
Oise,  four  and  a  half  miles  from  Corbeil,  was  the 
headquarters  of  Marshal  Marmont,  Duke  of  Ragusa, 
and  of  the  Sixth  Corps,,  which  had  been  under  his 
orders  since  the  beginning  of  the  campaign.  The 
river  issuing  from  the  forest  of  Orleans,  and  falling 
into  the  Seine  at  Corbeil,  is  also  named  the  Essonnes. 
This  river  separated  Marmont' s  troops  from  those  of 
the  Allies,  and  Prince  Schwarzenberg  had  his  head- 
quarters at  the  castle  of  Petit  Bourg,  a  little  village 
two  and  a  half  miles  from  Corbeil. 

The  three  plenipotentiaries  reached  Essonnes  at 
180 


THE  DEFECTION  OF  ESSONNES.  181 

about  five  in  the  evening,  full  of  delight  at  the  pros- 
pect of  meeting  Marmont,  who  had  covered  himself 
with  glory  during  the  whole  campaign  of  France, 
and  especially  in  the  heroic  battle  of  Paris.  Mar- 
mont, the  companion  of  Napoleon's  boyhood,  his 
fellow-student,  the  friend  of  his  youth,  the  eye- 
witness of  his  first  exploits,  who  seemed  the  most 
enthusiastic  partisan  and  most  ardent  and  chivalrous 
defender  of  the  wife  and  son  of  his  benefactor,  sur- 
prised Ney,  Macdonald,  and  Caulaincourt  by  his 
gloomy  face  and  embarrassed  air.  What  was  the 
mystery?  What  had  happened?  Naturally,  Mar- 
mont had  hesitated  a  little  before  confessing  the 
truth.  Something  had  happened  which  was  to  bring 
ruin  to  the  Imperial  dynasty :  Marmont  had  betrayed 
the  Empire. 

The  Duke  of  Ragusa  himself,  in  his  Memoirs, 
recounts  the  circumstances  that  led  to  this  act  so  out 
of  harmony  with  his  character  and  glorious  antece- 
dents. The  first  suggestion  of  the  step  was  made  to 
him  at  an  interview  held  in  Paris  at  his  house  in  the 
rue  du  Paradis  PoissonniSre,  in  the  evening  of  March 
30,  1814,  a  few  hours  after  the  battle,  when  he  was 
preparing  to  arrange  the  clauses  of  the  capitulation 
imposed  upon  the  capital.  u  I  must  describe,"  he 
says,  "  a  conversation  which  took  place  at  my  house 
in  the  course  of  the  evening ;  for  it  fairly  represents 
my  opinions  at  that  time.  A  number  of  my  friends 
had  met  there,  and  talk  turned  to  the  state  of  affairs 
and   the   way   it   might   be   bettered.      The   feeling 


182  THE  INVASION   OF  I8I4. 

seemed  to  be  general  that  the  fall  of  Napoleon  was 
the  only  condition  of  safety.  Then  we  talked  about 
the  Bourbons  ;  their  most  earnest  defender,  the  man 
who  made  the  deepest  impression  on  me,  was  M. 
Laffitte.  He  openly  declared  himself  their  supporter, 
and  when  I  repeated  the  arguments  addressed  some 
time  before  to  my  brother-in-law,  he  replied :  i  Well, 
Marshal,  with  written  guarantees,  with  a  political 
order  that  shall  establish  our  rights,  what  is  to  be 
feared  ? '  When  I  heard  a  man  of  the  middle  classes, 
a  plain  banker,  express  such  an  opinion,  I  thought 
that  I  heard  the  voice  of  the  whole  city  of  Paris." 

The  members  of  the  Provisional  Government  had 
at  once  thought  that  they  could  do  something  with 
the  Duke  of  Ragusa.  "  Yet,"  says  Thiers,  "  Mar- 
mont  had  not  a  traitor's  soul  —  far  from  it.  But  he 
was  vain,  ambitious,  weak,  and  unfortunately  these 
qualities,  in  time  of  confusion,  often  lead  to  acts 
which  posterity  blames."  A  M.  de  Montessny,  who 
had  been  his  aide-de-camp  for  many  years,  had  left 
the  army  to  go  into  business,  and  had  come  out 
warmly  for  the  Bourbons.  The  members  of  the  Pro- 
visional Government  thought  he  would  be  an  excel- 
lent emissary  to  attempt  to  bring  over  the  Marshal, 
and  they  sent  him  to  Essonnes,  where  he  arrived 
April  3,  at  about  five  in  the  afternoon.  He  was 
the  bearer  of  a  letter  from  Prince  Schwarzenberg, 
which  ran  thus :  — 

"  Marshal  :  I  have  the  honor  of  transmitting  to 
Your  Excellency,  by  a  trusty  person,  all  the  papers 


THE   DEFECTION   OF  ESSONNES.  183 

and  documents  necessary  to  give  Your  Excellency 
information  about  what  has  occurred  since  Your 
Excellency  left  the  capital,  as  well  as  an  invitation 
from  the  members  of  the  Provisional  Government  to 
enlist  under  the  banners  of  the  good  French  cause.  I 
urge  you,  in  the  name  of  your  country  and  of  human- 
ity, to  consider  these  propositions  which  will  put  a 
stop  to  the  shedding  of  the  blood  of  the  brave  men 
you  command." 

Marmont  speaks  of  his  feelings  on  receiving  from 
the  hands  of  his  former  aide-de-camp  Prince  Schwarz- 
enberg's  message,  the  decree  of  the  Senate  pronounc- 
ing the  dethronement  of  the  Emperor,  and  many 
letters  from  important  persons  urging  him  to  accept 
it.  "  It  would  be  hard,"  he  says,  "  to  describe  the 
various  feelings  this  news  produced  and  the  reflections 
it  aroused.  The  deep  agitation  was  the  forerunner 
of  the  feelings  that  the  memory  of  those  great  events 
never  ceases  to  call  forth.  Having  been  so  long 
devoted  to  Napoleon,  the  misfortunes  overwhelming 
him  awoke  in  me  that  old  and  warm  affection  which 
in  other  days  had  outweighed  every  other  feeling, 
and  yet  my  devotion  to  my  country  and  the  possibil- 
ity of  helping  its  condition  and  its  fate,  inspired  me 
with  a  longing  to  save  it  from  complete  ruin.  It  is 
easy  for  a  man  of  honor  to  do  his  duty  when  it  lies 
clear  before  him,  but  it  is  hard  to  live  at  a  time  when 
one  can  and  must  ask,  What  is  my  duty  ?  Such  times 
I  have  seen  in  my  own  life.  Thrice  in  my  life  have 
I  had  to  face  this  problem.     Happy  are  those  who 


184  THE  INVASION   OF  I8I4. 

live  under  a  regular  government,  and  in  such  obscur- 
ity that  they  escape  such  trial's !  Let  them  not  blame 
what  they  are  too  inexperienced  to  judge  properly !  " 

The  unfortunate  Marshal  goes  on :  , "  However 
great  my  interest  in  Napoleon,  I  could  not  fail  to  sec 
what  harm  he  had  done  to  France.  He  alone  had 
dug  the  abyss  into  which  we  were  falling.  What 
efforts  we  had  made,  and  I  especially,  to  avoid  plung- 
ing into  it !  The  conviction  of  having  done  more 
than  my  duty  in  the  campaign  confirmed  my  opinion. 
I  had  worked  harder  than  any  of  my  colleagues,  and 
displayed  unremitting  constancy  and  perseverance. 
Might  not  these  great  efforts,  which  had  been  contin- 
ued so  long  as  there  was  any  chance  of  their  doing 
good,  make  my  score  with  Napoleon  clean,  and  had 
I  not  fully  paid  what  I  owed  him  ?  Ought  not  the 
country  to  have  its  turn  ?  " 

After  M.  de  Montessny  had  gone,  the  Marshal  told 
Colonel  Fabvier,  the  second  officer  of  his  staff,  the 
message  he  had  received  from  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment,  and  asked  him  what  answer  he  thought 
should  be  made  to  the  proposition  it  contained.  Fab- 
vier, who  at  the  moment  happened  to  be  standing 
beside  a  large  exotic  tree,  answered,  pointing  at  one 
of  the  strongest  of  its  branches  :  "  It  seems  to  me 
that  under  other  circumstances  the  answer  ought  to 
be  that.  However,  it  would  be  necessary  to  inform 
the  Emperor  of  this  melancholy  attempt."  "  That  is 
what  I  shall  do,"  answered  Marmont,  and  then  they 
sat  down  to  the  table. 


THE  DEFECTION   OF  ESSONNES.  185 

In  the  evening  the  Marshal  drew  up  his  reply  to 
the  letter  of  Prince  Schwarzenberg ;  it  ran  thus :  — 

44  Marshal  :  I  have  received  the  letter  which  Your 
Highness  has  done  me  the  honor  of  writing  to  me,  as 
well  as  all  the  papers  enclosed.  Public  opinion  has 
always  been  the  rule  of  my  conduct.  The  army  and 
the  people,  being  freed  from  their  oath  of  fidelity  to 
the  Emperor  Napoleon  by  the  decree  of  the  Senate,  I 
am  disposed  to  assist  a  union  between  the  people  and 
the  army,  which  shall  prevent  all  chance  of  civil  war, 
and  the  effusion  of  French  blood.  Hence  I  am  ready 
to  leave,  with  my  troops,  the  army  of  the  Emperor 
Napoleon,  on  the  following  conditions,  for  which  I 
desire  a  written  guarantee  :  — 

44  Article  I.  I,  Prince  Schwarzenberg,  Marshal  and 
Commander-in-chief  of  the  Allied  Armies,  do  hereby 
guarantee  to  all  the  French  troops,  who  in  accordance 
with  the  decree  of  the  Senate  of  April  2,  shall  leave 
the  standard  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  that  they  shall 
be  able  freely  to  withdraw  to  Normandy,  with  arms, 
baggage,  and  supplies,  and  with  all  the  military  hon- 
ors accorded  to  the  Allied  troops. 

"  Article  II.  That  if,  in  consequence  of  this  move- 
ment, the  events  of  war  should  throw  into  the  hands 
of  the  Allied  Powers  the  person  of  Napoleon  Bona- 
parte, his  life  and  liberty  shall  be  guaranteed  him 
within  some  narrow  territory  in  some  limited  region, 
to  be  chosen  by  the  Allied  Powers  and  the  French 
Government." 

The  next  day,  April  4,  Marmont  summoned  all  his 


186  THE  INVASION   OF  1814. 

generals  except  General  Chastel,  to  his  room,  and 
there  drew  a  picture  of  the  condition  of  things  in 
connection  with  his  plan.  He  said  that  the  Emperor, 
after  committing  fault  after  fault,  and  having  by  his 
tactical  blunders,  let  the  Allies  enter  Paris,  now  enter- 
tained the  mad  idea  of  attacking  them  in  Paris  itself, 
with  fifty  thousand  men  against  two  hundred  thou- 
sand, thus  exposing  the  few  soldiers  left  him  to 
almost  certain  destruction  beneath  the  ruins  of  the 
capital  and  of  France.  He  then  urged  them  to  hand 
in  their  adhesion  to  the  Provisional  Government. 
Then  he  read  to  them  his  answer  to  Prince  Schwarz- 
enberg's  letter,  of  which  they  approved  both  the 
matter  and  the  manner,  and  Marmont  at  once  sent  it 
to  the  Commander-in-chief. 

A  few  moments  later  he  thought  of  explaining 
himself  to  the  Emperor,  *for  his  conscience  was  begin- 
ning to  trouble  him.  That  same  day,  April  4,  he 
wrote  the  following  letter  which,  however,  he  did 
not  send,  for  before  night  he  became  aware  of  the 
magnitude  of  the  fault  he  had  committed,  and  aban- 
doned, though  too  late,  his  fatal  decision  :  — 

"  Essonnes,  April  4,  1814.  Sire  :  I  have  served 
you  with  devotion  for  more  than  twenty  years,  and 
my  zeal  has  only  been  redoubled  with  your  misfor- 
tunes. Sustained  by  the  opinion  of  my  country,  my 
efforts  would  have  had  no  limit,  for  adversity  has 
never  had  terrors  for  me.  But,  Sire,  it  is  against 
the  opinion  of  France,  and  soon  against  Frenchmen 
themselves,  that  we  turn  our  arms.     The  excitement 


THE  DEFECTION  OF  ESS0NNE8.  187 

prevailing  in  Paris,  Lyons,  Bordeaux,  Marseilles,  the 
unanimous  feeling  expressed  with  so  much  warmth, 
the  decree  of  the  Senate,  indicate  the  true  public  opin- 
ion, and  this  should  be  the  law  for  a  good  Frenchman, 
for  a  citizen.  Moreover,  Sire,  in  what  a  terrible  posi- 
tion we  are  placed !  Either  fortune  will  temporarily 
crown  your  efforts,  and  then  the  sacking  of  Paris 
and  the  flight  of  its  inhabitants  are  the  result ;  or  it 
is  unfavorable,  and  then,  Sire,  with  your  immediate 
ruin  is  bound  up  the  ruin  of  the  rest  of  the  militia, 
perhaps  too  soon  necessary  for  the  safety  of  the 
country,  who,  righting  for  it  supported  by  opinion, 
will  be  able  to  save  it.  It  is  then  out  of  devotion  to 
France  that  I  do  what  my  heart  condemns,  but  what 
is  commanded  by  my  country's  welfare.  I  ought  to 
withdraw  from  your  ranks  the  day  that  the  nation 
reproves  you;  but,  after  saving  the  country,  I  am 
ready  to  place  my  head  at  your  disposal,  if  you  desire 
it.  I  have  not  tampered  with  the  generals  or  the 
troops  of  whom  you  have  given  me  the  command. 
They  all  agree  with  me  that  the  will  of  the  nation 
should  be  a  law  to  them,  and  that  now  nothing  makes 
this  doubtful." 

Marmont  was  already  anxious,  as  his  letter  shows. 
His  heart  was  beginning  to  condemn  the  resolution 
he  had  formed.  Continually  the  grand  figure  of 
Napoleon  haunted  him,  inspiring  remorse  which  tor- 
tured his  inmost  soul  all  the  rest  of  his  life.  Four 
days  before  he  had  visited  Napoleon  at  Fontainebleau, 
mid  had  been  most  cordially  received  by  the  Emperor. 


188  THE  INVASION  OF  I8I4. 

"  Our  noble  defence,"  he  himself  says,  "  had  received 
his  praise.  He  ordered  me  to  make  out  a  list  of 
rewards  for  those  brave  soldiers  who,  up  to  the  last, 
had  with  untiring  devotion  and  courage  maintained 
an  unequal  conflict."  And  now,  four  days  after  this 
cordial  interview  with  his  master,  his  old  fellow- 
soldier,  his  friend  and  benefactor,  his  sovereign, 
Marmont  was  abandoning  him  and  making  him  over 
to  his  enemies. 

Meanwhile  Prinee  Schwarzenberg  had  hastened  to 
send  his  answer  to  Essonnes.  "Marshal,"  he  said, 
44 1  cannot  give  fitting  expression  to  the  satisfaction 
I  feel  on  learning  how  readily  you  respond  to  the 
invitation  of  the  Provisional  Government  to  place 
yourself,  in  accordance  with  this  month's  decree, 
under  the  banners  of  the  French  cause.  The  distin- 
guished services  you  have  rendered  your  country  are 
everywhere  recognized,  but  you  crown  them  all  by 
restoring  to  their  country  the  few  who  have  escaped 
from  the  ambition  of  a  single  man.  I  beg  of  you  to 
believe  that  I  have  especially  appreciated  the  delicacy 
of  the  arrangement  which  you  propose,  and  which  I 
accept,  concerning  the  person  of  Napoleon.  Nothing 
better  characterizes  the  noble  generosity  of  the  French, 
which  especially  distinguishes  Your  Excellency." 

Matters  were  in  this  state  when,  April  4,  towards 
five  in  the  afternoon,  Marmont  found  himself  in  pres- 
ence of  Ney,  Macdonald,  and  Caulaincourt.  As  soon 
as  they  had  informed  him  of  the  Emperor's  abdication 
and  of  their  mission,  the  scales  fell  from  his  eyes ;  he 


THE  DEFECTION   OF  ESSONNES.  189 

saw  the  full  extent  of  his  fault.  "This  event,"  he 
says,  speaking  of  the  arrival  of  the  three  plenipoten- 
tiaries at  Essonnes,  "  changed  the  face  of  things.  In 
my  isolation,  I  had  not  been  able  to  consult  the  other 
leaders  of  the  army.  I  had  sacrificed  my  affections 
for  the  good  of  my  country,  but  a  greater  sacrifice 
than  mine,  that  which  Napoleon  had  made,  had  sanc- 
tioned it.  Therewith,  my  design  was  carried  out,  and 
I  had  no  longer  need  to  immolate  myself.  My  duty 
commanded  me  to  join  with  my  comrades.  I  should 
have  been  guilty  if  I  had  continued  to  act  alone. 
Consequently,  I  informed  the  plenipotentiaries  of  my 
conferences  with  Schwarzenberg,  adding  that  I  at 
once  broke  off  all  personal  negotiation,  and  should 
never  separate  from  them.  These  gentlemen  asked 
me  to  accompany  them  to  Paris.  Reflecting  that, 
after  what  had  happened,  my  joining  them  might 
have  great  weight,  I  eagerly  consented.  Before  leav- 
ing Essonnes,  I  explained  to  the  generals  I  left  in 
command,  among  others  to  the  oldest,  General  Sou- 
ham,  and  to  Generals  Campons  and  Bordessoulle,  the 
reasons  for  my  absence,  and  announced  to  them  my 
speedy  return.  I  ordered  them,  in  the  presence  of 
the  plenipotentiaries,  in  no  circumstances  to  make  the 
slightest  movement  before  my  return." 

Night  had  fallen  when  the  three  plenipotentiaries, 
accompanied  by  Marmont  reached  Petit  Bourg,  Prince 
Schwarzenberg's  headquarters,  to  ask  for  the  safe- 
conduct  necessary  for  the  continuation  of  their  jour- 
ney.    At  this  moment  Marmont  felt  extremely  em- 


190  THE  INVASION   OF  18 14. 

barrassed;  he  wondered  how  he  could  explain  his 
conduct  to  the  man  with  whom  he  had  made  an 
agreement  that  morning.  His  fellow-travellers  took 
pity  on  him,  and  after  they  had  got  out  of  their  car- 
riage, they  covered  him  with  their  cloaks  to  prevent 
his  being  seen  ;  then  they  entered  the  castle  of  Petit 
Bourg.  There  they  met  first,  the  Prince  of  Wiirtem- 
berg,  who  spoke  of  Napoleon  in  the  bitterest  terms. 
Ney  had  formerly  had  this  German  Prince  under  his 
orders  and  had  never  spared  him.  He  said  to  him :  "  If 
there  is  a  house  in  Europe  that  has  no  right  to  accuse 
the  Emperor  Napoleon  of  ambition,  it  is  assuredly 
the  house  of  Wiirtemberg."  In  fact,  it  was  to  the 
Emperor  that  the  sovereign  of  this  country  owed  his 
title  of  King,  and  it  was  to  Napoleon's  brother  that 
he  had  given  his  daughter  in  marriage.  Then  Prince 
Schwarzenberg  made  his  appearance,  and  while  he 
treated  the  three  plenipotentiaries  most  courteously, 
he  manifested  no  interest  in  the  regency  of  Marie 
Louise.  When  he  heard  that  Marshal  Marmont  was 
in  the  carriage  below,  he  desired  to  have  a  private 
talk  with  him.  "  In  this  interview,"  says  the  Mar- 
shal, "  I  released  myself  from  the  arrangements  we 
had  made,  explaining  my  motives  to  Prince  Schwarz- 
enberg. The  change  in  the  general  position  of  af- 
fairs would  naturally  make  one  in  my  conduct.  My 
acts  had  been  inspired  by  a  desire  to  save  my  country, 
and  since  a  measure  undertaken  in  common  with  my 
comrades,  and  in  concert  with  Napoleon,  promised  to 
attain  this  end,  I  could  not  hold  myself  aloof  from  it. 


THE  DEFECTION  OF  ESSONNES.  191 

He  understood  me  perfectly,  and  gave  complete  ap- 
proval to  my  plan." 

Then  Marmont  joined  his  colleagues,  and  they  all 
pushed  on,  with  their  safe-conduct,  and  reaching 
Paris,  April  5,  at  about  2  a.m.,  at  once  went  to  the 
residence  of  Talleyrand,  in  the  rue  Saint  Florentin, 
where  the  Emperor  Alexander  was  staying.  All 
four,  Ney,  Macdonald,  Caulaincourt,  and  Marmont, 
were  immediately  received  by  the  Czar,  who  greeted 
them  most  courteously,  saying  that  he  had  wanted 
to  express  to  them  the  esteem  and  the  admiration  he 
felt  for  the  bravery  of  the  French  army  and  for  the 
skill  of  its  commanders.  He  gave  utterance  to  the 
most  friendly  feelings  for  France.  "I  desire,"  he 
added,  "its  happiness  and  security.  It  must  be  pow- 
erful and  remain  great." 

Then  the  plenipotentiaries  pleaded  with  conviction, 
eloquence,  and  energy  the  cause  of  Marie  Louise  and 
of  the  King  of  Rome.  Marmont,  who  the  day  before 
had  been  a  Royalist,  became  once  more  a  Bona- 
partist,  and  added  his  voice  to  theirs.  "I  was  not," 
he  says  in  his  Memoirs,  "  the  least  ardent  in  defend- 
ing the  rights  of  the  son  of  Napoleon  and  of  the 
Regent."  The  discussion  was  long  and  hot.  The 
Emperor  ended  it  by  saying  that  he  could  not  settle 
this  important  question  alone,  but  had  to  refer  it  to 
his  allies,  and  that  he  could  give  no  answer  before 
the  morning.  The  plenipotentiaries  preserved  some 
hopes  when  they  took  leave  of  the  Czar;  and  the 
Royalists,  who  feared  nothing  so  much  as  the  main- 


192  THE  INVASION  OF  I8I4. 

tenance  of  the  Imperial  dynasty,  could  not  conceal 
their  anxiety. 

A  fatal  incident  —  a  result  of  Marmont's  conduct, 
though  one  for  which  he  was  not  directly  respon- 
sible—  had  just  destroyed  the  last  chances  of  the 
King  of  Rome,  and  made  the  restoration  of  the 
Bourbons  inevitable.  Marmont  had  merely  planned 
the  defection  of  Essonnes;  his  generals  had  just 
carried  it  out. 

Scarcely  had  Marmont  left  Essonnes  with  the 
plenipotentiaries  than  an  aide-de-camp  of  the  Em- 
peror, Colonel  Gourgaud,  arrived  there  in  great 
haste.  This  officer  had  been  ordered  by  Napoleon 
to  go  first  to  the  headquarters  of  the  Duke  of 
Ragusa,  at  Essonnes,  and  then  to  the  headquarters 
of  the  Duke  of  Treviso,  at  Mennecy,  to  tell  the  two 
marshals  that  the  Emperor  summoned  them  to 
Fontainebleau  to  receive  instructions.  Doubtless 
Napoleon,  who  had  abdicated  only  conditionally, — 
that  is  to  say,  in  case  the  allied  sovereigns  should 
recognize  his  son's  rights,  and  who,  moreover,  knew 
that  they  had  declared,  on  the  31st  of  March,  that 
they  would  not  treat  with  him  or  with  any  member 
of  his  family,  —  attached  but  little  importance  to  the 
mission  undertaken  by  the  Prince  of  Moskowa  and 
the  Dukes  of  Taranto  and  Vicenza.  He  believed 
that  this  mission  had  but  few  chances  of  being  suc- 
cessful ;  and  if,  as  was  probable,  it  failed,  he  still 
hoped  to  march  on  Paris  with  his  guard,  and  the 
army  corps  of  the  Dukes  of  Ragusa  and  Treviso,  to 


THE  DEFECTION  OF  ES BONNES.  193 

make  one  last  effort.  Probably  when  he  summoned 
the  two  Marshals,  it  was  to  arrange  with  them  his 
plans.  Moreover,  anticipating  Marmont's  possible 
departure  to  Paris  with  the  three  plenipotentiaries, 
he  had  sent  word  that  if  the  Marshal  had  left  Es- 
sonnes,  the  senior  general  of  the  Sixth  Corps,  General 
Souham,  should  report  in  his  place  at  Fontainebleau. 

When  Colonel  Gourgaud  reached  Essonnes  with 
the  Emperor's  order,  he  expressed  with  some  warmth 
his  surprise  at  not  finding  Marmont.  This  made 
General  Souham  think  that  all  was  lost.  He  fancied 
that  the  Emperor  had  got  wind  of  the  negotiations 
that  had  taken  place  that  morning  between  the 
Marshal  and  the  enemy ;  he  recalled  his  warm  adhe- 
sion to  the  proposed  defection,  and  felt  sure  that 
Napoleon  meant  to  punish  him,  possibly  to  have  him 
shot.  As  a  former  officer  of  the  army  of  the  Rhine, 
and  a  friend  of  Moreau,  General  Souham  had  never 
loved  the  Emperor,  and  he  feared  him  beyond  all 
measure.  It  was  this  fear  —  most  ungrounded;  for 
Napoleon,  who  knew  nothing  of  the  events  of  the 
morning,  had  no  cause  for  ill-feeling  towards  the 
general  —  that  was  the  cause  of  the  defection  of 
Essonnes,  and  of  the  overthrow  of  the  Empire. 

When  Colonel  Gourgaud  had  pushed  on  to  find 
Marshal  Mortier  at  Mennecy,  General  Souham,  in- 
stead of  going  to  Fontainebleau,  as  he  had  been 
ordered  to  do,  expressed  his  terrors  to  the  other 
generals,  inspired  them  with  the  same  alarm,  and 
persuaded  them  not  to  wait  for  Marmont's  return 


194  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

before  carrying  out  the  agreement  made  with  Prince 
Schwarzenberg,  to  cross  the  Essonnes  and  to  place 
themselves  and  their  troops  under  the  orders  of  the 
Provisional  Government.  It  was  in  vain  that  Colonel 
Fabvier  entreated  General  Souham  not  to  form  such 
a  plan ;  the  only  answer  he  got  was :  "  It  is  better  to 
kill  the  devil  than  to  let  him  kill  us."  The  generals 
called  out  their  men,  and  sent  word  to  the  enemy 
lest  they  should  be  attacked  on  the  way.  The 
unhappy  soldiers  were  ignorant  of  the  reasons  for 
this  movement.  All  the  previous  negotiations  about 
the  defection  had  been  carefully  kept  concealed  from 
them.  They  imagined  that  their  generals  and  the 
Marshal  himself  were  still  faithful  to  the  Emperor, 
and  when  in  the  middle  of  the  night  they  left 
Essonnes  in  pitchy  darkness,  and  moved  towards 
Paris,  they  felt  sure  that  they  formed  the  vanguard 
of  the  Imperial  army  and  were  about  to  fight  once 
more.  Colonel  Fabvier  was  not  with  them.  Indig- 
nant with  the  conduct  of  his  superiors,  whom  he  had 
in  vain  tried  to  recall  to  their  duty,  he  had  just 
galloped  away  to  find  Marshal  Marmont  and  tell  him 
what  was  going  on. 

Meanwhile  the  soldiers  began  to  form  some  notion 
of  the  part  they  were  thus  forced  to  play,  and  their 
suspicions  grew  at  every  step.  When  they  saw  the 
allied  troops  peaceably  lining  the  road,  letting  them 
pass  by  without  firing  a  shot,  they  were  almost  cer- 
tain that  some  treachery  was  on  foot.  The  scouts, 
who  were  Poles,  exclaimed :  u  We  are  deceived ;  we 


THE  DEFECTION  OF  ES SONNE 8.  195 

are  surrendered  to  the  enemy.  We  will  not  betray  the 
Emperor,"  and  they  refused  to  go.  The  rear-guard, 
commanded  by  General  Chastel,  had  not  reached  the 
enemy's  lines  at  sunrise.  On  seeing  them,  it  sud- 
denly turned  back  to  Essonnes,  and  set  about  putting 
the  bridge  into  a  state  of  defence.  General  Lucotte's 
division,  which  was  occupying  Corbeil,  had  received 
orders  to  follow  the  movement  of  the  Sixth  Corps, 
but  it  did  not  stir :  the  general,  in  an  order  of  the 
day,  said  that  having  been  ordered  to  occupy  Corbeil, 
he  should  remain  at  his  post  with  his  men.  These, 
with  the  rear-guard  commanded  by  General  Chastel, 
were  the  only  troops  of  the  Sixth  Corps  who  kept 
their  position.  The  ill-fated  movement  went  on. 
Some  officers,  who  favored  the  defection,  invented  a 
number  of  pretexts  to  deceive  the  men  and  to  allay 
their  suspicions,  but  there  were  murmurs  throughout 
the  column  ;  already  they  had  begun  to  speak  of 
treason.  When  they  reached  Belle  Epine,  the  troops 
left  the  road  to  Paris,  to  take  that  to  Versailles,  and 
it  was  plain  that  they  would  soon  be  in  open  revolt 
against  their  chiefs. 

What  was  Marshal  Marmont  doing  while  his  sol- 
diers were  thus  deceived  by  their  generals?  After 
leaving  Talleyrand's  house  in  the  middle  of  the  night, 
he  had  gone  to  his  own,  in  the  rue  du  Paradis  Pois- 
sonnidre,  to  take  a  little  rest  before  rejoining  his 
colleagues  in  the  morning  at  the  house  of  the  Prince 
of  Moskowa,  to  return  with  them  to  the  Emperor 
Alexander,  before  whom  they  were   once   more   to 


196  THE  INVASION   OF  I8I4. 

plead  the  cause  of  Marie  Louise  and  of  the  King  of 
Rome.  His  conscience  had  been  relieved  of  a  heavy 
burden.  This  defection,  he  said  to  himself,  had  been 
only  a  plan  not  put  into  execution,  and  he  would  do 
his  duty  to  the  end,  vying  in  loyalty  with  Ney, 
Macdonald,  and  Caulaincourt,  to  save,  if  not  Napo- 
leon, at  least  the  Imperial  dynasty.  Calm  had  at 
length  taken  possession  of  him,  and  he  was  sitting, 
buried  in  thought,  before  the  fire,  a  mirror  in  front 
of  him,  his  elbows  on  his  knees,  his  head  between  his 
hands,  when  a  door  was  suddenly  opened.  Then, 
raising  his  head,  he  saw  in  the  glass  the  face  of 
Colonel  Fabvier,  who  was  coming  into  the  room. 
"  What,  you,  Fabvier  ? "  exclaimed  the  Marshal. 
"Ah!  I  am  lost."  "And  disgraced  too,"  replied  the 
Colonel.  "What  is  to  be  done?"  asked  the  Duke 
of  Ragusa.  "  Hasten  to  your  divisions,  and  stop  the 
defection.  Perhaps  you  still  have  time."  "Yes, 
yes,  but  first  I  have  promised  to  go  back  to  see  the 
Emperor  Alexander ;  come  here  in  an  hour  with  my 
horses  and  wait  for  me.  I  shall  leave  soon,  and  we 
will  go  together." 

Marmont  went  at  once  to  Marshal  Ney's,  finding 
there  his  colleagues  about  to  leave  for  Talleyrand's 
residence,  where  the  Czar  had  promised  to  receive 
them  at  nine  o'clock.  The  Duke  of  Ragusa  told  them 
what  his  generals  had  done.  "  Oh !  "  he  said,  "  I 
would  give  my  arm,  if  only  this  news  were  not  true ! " 
"  Say  your  head,"  answered  Marshal  Ney,  "  and  it 
would  not  be  enough !  " 


THE  DEFECTION   OF  ESSONNES.  197 

When  they  reached  Talleyrand's  house,  Marmont 
and  his  colleagues  saw  the  enthusiastic  delight  of  the 
Royalists,  who  regarded  the  defection  of  the  Sixth 
Corps  as  the  sure  token  of  the  restoration  of  the 
Bourbons.  They  knew  that  it  would  destroy  the  last 
scruples  of  the  Emperor  Alexander,  and  that  now  the 
chances  of  the  King  of  Rome  were  irrevocably  gone. 
They  greeted  Marmont  as  a  benefactor  and  covered 
him  with  praise ;  they  swore  to  him  that  Louis 
XVIII.  would  express  his  gratitude  by  magnificent 
rewards ;  they  were  rapturous  with  delight.  But 
suddenly  their  great  joy  was  troubled:  word  came 
that  at  Versailles  the  Sixth  Corps,  convinced  of  the 
treachery  of  its  commanders,  was  in  open  revolt. 
The  Royalists  were  in  consternation.  The  Emperor 
Alexander,  who  was  but  a  cool  supporter  of  the  Bour- 
bons, might  perhaps  say  that  the  army  remained  faith- 
ful to  Napoleon ;  the  Royal  ship  might  yet  founder 
just  outside  of  its  port.  Hence  they  surrounded 
Marmont  and  tried  everything — prayers,  promises, 
flattery  —  to  decide  him  to  put  a  stop  to  this  out- 
break,  which  filled  them  with  terror  and  threatened 
to  undo  everything.  Marmont  let  himself  be  per- 
suaded, and  started  for  Versailles.  Just  as  he  was 
leaving  Talleyrand's  house,  he  saw  Colonel  Fab- 
vier,  who  had  been  waiting  for  him  at  the  door 
more  than  an  hour.  The  Marshal  was  much  upset 
by  all  he  had  been  through,  and  he  tried  in  vain 
to  collect  himself.  His  lips  wore  a  pained  smile. 
"  Thank   you,"  he  stammered   to   the    Colonel ;    "  I 


198  THE  INVASION   OF  18U. 

have  no  need  of  you.  It  is  all  arranged;  there  is 
nothing  more  to  do." 

Meanwhile,  the  troops  of  the  Sixth  Corps  had  been 
in  open  revolt  since  reaching  Versailles.  Their  gen- 
erals, whom  they  denounced  as  traitors,  had  been 
compelled  to  flee  for  their  lives.  The  colonels,  after 
a  brief  deliberation,  had  thrown  in  their  lot  with  the 
soldiers,  and  had  determined  to  lead  the  troops  to 
Rambouillet  and  thence  to  Fontainebleau,  to  place 
them  once  more  under  Napoleon's  orders. 

u  I  went  to  Versailles,"  Marmont  said  in  his  Me- 
moirs, "  to  review  my  troops  and  to  explain  to  them 
the  new  state  of  affairs;  but  hardly  had  I  started, 
when  news  came  of  this  revolt.  The  soldiers  cried 
out  that  they  were  betrayed.  The  generals  had  fled, 
and  the  troops  were  preparing  to  return  to  Napoleon. 
They  could  not  have  marched  two  leagues  without 
encountering  an  overwhelming  force.  I  deemed  it 
my  duty  to  bring  them  back  to  discipline  and  obedi- 
ence ;  in  a  word,  to  save  them.  I  pushed  on,  and  at 
every  quarter  of  a  league  received  most  alarming 
messages.  At  last  I  reached  the  gate  of  Versailles 
and  found  all  the  generals  assembled,  but  the  army 
was  on  its  march  towards  Rambouillet.  When  I  had 
announced  to  the  generals  my  intention  of  joining 
the  troops,  they. did  their  best  to  prevent  me.  Gen- 
eral Compans  said  to  me :  *  Don't  do  it,  Marshal ; 
the  men  will  fire  at  you.'  '  You  may  stay,  gentle- 
men,' I  said,  '  if  you  care  to  do  so.  As  for  me,  I  am 
decided :  either  I  am  a  dead  man  in  an  hour,  or  I  shall 


THE  DEFECTION  OF  ESSONNES.  199 

have  made  my  authority  recognized.'  Thereupon  I 
followed  the  column  at  a  certain  distance.  There 
were  a  great  many  drunken  soldiers,  and  they  had  to 
be  given  time  to  recover  their  reason." 

Then  the  Marshal  sent  an  aide  to  look  at  the 
troops.  He  reported  on  his  return  that  they  were  no 
longer  shouting,  but  marching  in  silence.  Another 
officer  was  sent  on  to  announce  the  Marshal's  speedy 
arrival.  This  rilled  the  men  with  a  false  joy.  They 
thought  Marmont  was  still  faithful  to  the  Emperor, 
and  when  they  saw  him  they  imagined  that  he  was 
coming  to  help  them  out  of  the  plight  into  which 
their  generals  had  brought  them.  They  felt  sure 
that  the  man  hastening  towards  them  was  a  friend 
of  Napoleon. 

A  third  aide  carried  orders  from  the  Marshal  to 
his  soldiers,  commanding  them  to  halt,  and  to  the 
officers  to  assemble  in  detachments  on  the  left  of 
the  corps.  "  The  order  was  obeyed,"  says  Marmont, 
"  and  I  arrived.  I  dismounted,  and  formed  a  circle 
of  the  officers  of  the  first  group  I  came  to.  I  asked 
them  how  long  they  had  been  authorized  to  distrust 
me.  I  asked  them  if  in  times  of  privation  I  had  not 
been  the  first  to  suffer,  and  in  danger  and  peril  the 
first  to  expose  myself.  I  reminded  them  of  what  I 
had  done  for  them,  and  of  the  many  proofs  of  attach- 
ment I  had  given  them.  I  spoke  with  emotion,  with 
warmth,  with  feeling.  It  was  said  that  an  attempt 
had  been  made  to  surrender  them,  to  get  possession 
of  their  arms;  but  were  not  their  honor  and  their 


200  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

safety  as  dear  to  me  as  my  own  honor  and  my  own 
life  ?  Were  they  not  my  dearly  loved  family  ?  The 
hearts  of  these  old  comrades  melted,  and  I  saw  many 
of  these  weather-beaten,  scarred  faces  bedewed  with 
tears.     I  was  myself  deeply  moved." 

In  his  Memoirs  Marmont  speaks  of  this  incident 
as  a  great  personal  triumph.  He  says  enthusias- 
tically :  "  Oh,  what  power  belongs  to  a  chief  worthy 
of  his  soldiers,  after  he  has  endured  with  them  all  the 
varying  chances  of  war,  and  how  clumsy  he  must  be 
to  lose  it !  I  repeated  my  discourse  before  each  group 
of  officers,  and  told  them  to  carry  my  words  to  the 
soldiers.  The  whole  corps  seized  their  arms,  and, 
with  shouts  of  '  Long  live  the  Marshal !  Long  live 
the  Duke  of  Ragusa ! '  started  for  the  quarters  I  had 
assigned  them  near  Mantes.  It  would  be  hard  for 
me  to  express  all  the  satisfaction  I  felt  at  this  com- 
plete success.  It  was  my  own  work,  the  result  of 
the  ascendancy  which  I  had  well  earned  over  troops 
whose  toils  I  had  so  long  shared." 

These  poor,  brave  soldiers  were  deceived  to  the 
last.  They  were  convinced  that  peace  had  been 
made,  and  that  they  were  longer  free  to  shed  their 
blood  in  behalf  of  their  Emperor.  This,  moreover, 
was  made  impossible.  The  Allies  had  just  placed 
an  impassable  obstacle  between  the  Sixth  Corps  and 
Fontainebleau.     All  was  over. 

Posterity  has  not  shared  the  approbation  which 
the  Duke  of  Ragusa  has  expressed  for  himself  in  this 
matter.     Thiers  says :  "  It  is  not  to  be  forgotten  that 


THE  DEFECTION   OF  ESS0NNE8.  201 

Marmont  was  the  recipient  of  Napoleon's  personal 
confidence ;  that  he  was  under  arms,  and  '  held  at 
Essonnes  a  post  of  very  great  importance.  Now  to 
abandon  this  position,  with  his  whole  army  corps, 
in  accordance  with  a  secret  convention  with  Prince 
Schwarzenberg,  was  not  the  choice  of  a  free  citizen 
between  two  forms  of  government;  it  was  conduct 
like  that  of  a  soldier  who  deserts  to  the  enemy. 
Marmont  has  pretended  that  he  was  guilty  of  only  a 
part  of  this ;  and  it  is  true  that,  after  designing  and 
beginning  it,  he  stopped  half-way  in  alarm.  His 
generals,  led  by  a  groundless  terror,  took  up  the 
interrupted  action,  and  finished  it  on  their  own 
account ;  but  Marmont,  by  accepting  what  they  had 
done,  assumed  the  whole  responsibility,  and  in  the 
eyes  of  posterity  must  bear  this  burden." 

General  de  Se"gur,  in  his  Memoirs,  speaks  thus  of 
the  affair :  "  A  melancholy  ending  of  a  justly  famous 
warrior !  For  Marmont  possessed  every  quality,  —  a 
military  bearing,  nobility  of  soul,  of  manner,  of  face, 
a  varied  education,  much  intelligence,  and  an  ardent 
imagination.  Being  always  eager  for  glory,  he  hero- 
ically risked  all  that  it  brings,  with  the  same  con- 
tempt for  danger  that  he  showed  twenty-two  years 
earlier,  when  he  had  it  all  to  earn  with  his  sword. 
But  pride,  which  was  greater  than  his  glory,  proved 
his  ruin.  His  fall  was  all  the  greater  because  he  fell 
after  the  most  heroic  action  of  his  life,  possibly  of 
the  whole  war." 

When  Marmont  returned  to  Talleyrand's  house, 


202  THE  INVASION   OF  1814. 

after  allaying  the  insurrection,  he  became  aware  of 
what  he  had  done  by  simply  seeing  who  they  were 
who  congratulated  him:  they  were  all  the  bitterest 
personal  enemies  of  the  Emperor.  Bourrienne  thus 
describes  the  ovation  that  welcomed  the  Marshal: 
"  Fifteen  years  have  passed,  yet  the  scene  is  distinct 
before  me.  All  had  finished  dinner ;  he  sat  down  at 
a  little  round  table  in  the  middle  of  the  hall,  and 
there  he  was  served.  Every  one  of  us  went  up  to 
talk  witlf  him  and  compliment  him.  He  was  the 
hero  of  the  day." 

Alas,  he  paid  dearly  for  his  appearance  as  a  hero  ! 
All  these  things  were,  in  his  words,  "  the  source  of 
keen  anguish."  Remorse  tormented  him  as  long  as 
he  lived.  In  vain  did  the  Restoration  heap  honors 
on  him.  At  the  last  moment  he  was  the  evil  genius 
of  the  Bourbons,  as  he  had  been  in  1814  of  the 
Emperor.  The  days  of  July  were  no  less  lamentable 
than  the  defection  of  Essonnes.  July  28,  1830,  he 
saw  once  more  the  banker  Laffitte,  who  had  done 
him  so  much  harm  in  the  night  of  March  30,  1814 ; 
and  Laffitte,  under  the  pretext  of  stopping  bloodshed, 
was  to  debauch  the  soldiers.  And  Marmont  ruined 
the  legitimist  monarchy  as  he  had  ruined  the  Empire. 
Then,  beaten  by  the  Parisian  insurrection,  he  arrived 
at  Saint  Cloud,  and  said  to  the  unfortunate  Charles 
X. :  "Sire,  the  battle  is  lost.  A  ball,  fired  at  me, 
killed  the  horse  of  one  of  my  officers  at  my  side.  I 
am  sorry  it  did  not  go  through  my  head.  Death 
would  be  preferable  to  what  I  have  just  seen."     And 


THE  DEFECTION   OF  ESSONNES.  203 

from  the  Duke  of  Angouleme  he  received  bitterer 
reproaches  than  from  Napoleon.  He  ended  his  stormy 
career  in  exile,  and  in  the  castle  of  Schonbrunn  he 
gave  lessons  in  strategy  to  another  exile,  a  young 
man  as  ill-starred  as  himself,  who  had  been  the  King 
of  Rome,  and  later  was  merely  the  Duke  of  Reich- 
stadt. 


XVI. 

THE   SECOND   ABDICATION. 

WE  left  Napoleon  at  Fontainebleau,  April  4, 
1814,  just  when  Ney,  Macdonald,  and  Cau- 
laincourt  were  leaving  to  take  to  Paris  his  condi- 
tional abdication.  The  Emperor,  at  that  moment, 
seemed  depressed  and  discouraged,  but  a  night's  good 
rest  restored  him,  and  when  he  awoke  he  was  far 
from  thinking  that  his  career  was  finished.  He 
hoped  either  that  the  plenipotentiaries  would  induce 
the  Allies  to  accept  his  son's  reigning,  with  Marie 
Louise  as  Regent,  which  would  be  at  least  a  con- 
solation, or  that  the  Allies,  by  declining  it,  would 
thereby  render  his  abdication  null  and  void.  In  this 
second  case,  which  was,  perhaps,  what  he  preferred, 
he  expected  to  be  able  to  resume  the  conflict.  Imag- 
ining himself  still  covered  by  the  line  of  the  Essonnes, 
and  by  the  army  corps  of  Marmont  and  Mortier,  and 
still  counting  on  the  devotion  of  those  of  Macdonald, 
Oudinot,  and  Gerard,  he  hoped  to  have  time  to 
receive  the  very  desirable  re-enforcements  due  from 
the  armies  of  Lyons,  of  Italy,  and  of  Spain. 

It  was  in  this  state  of  mind  that,  in  the  morning 
204 


THE  SECOND  ABDICATION.  205 

of  April  5,  he  was  still  forming  plans  of  revenge. 
Hence  it  is  easy  to  conceive  of  his  grief  and  surprise 
when  he  got  word  of  the  defection  of  the  Sixth 
Corps.  All  his  plans  were  at  once  overthrown. 
General  Chastel,  when  he  drew  back  to  the  bridge 
of  Essonnes,  sent  an  officer  to  inform  him  of  the  dis- 
astrous decision  of  the  other  generals  of  Marmont's 
corps.  At  almost  the  same  moment  Napoleon  re- 
ceived a  draft  of  the  agreement  which  this  Marshal 
had  concluded  with  Prince  Schwarzenberg,  and  the 
Allies  had  speedily  published.  At  first  the  Emperor 
refused  to  believe  it.  Marmont,  the  friend  of  his 
boyhood,  his  fellow-student,  his  aide-de-camp  in  the 
first  Italian  campaign,  should  have  been  the  man  to 
remain  to  the  last  faithful  to  his  sovereign,  to  his 
friend  !  When  at  last  he  was  obliged  to  yield  to  the 
evidence,  Napoleon  said  only,  "  Ungrateful  man ;  he 
will  be  unhappier  than  I !  " 

A  clause  of  the  agreement  concluded  between 
Marmont  and  Schwarzenberg  spoke  of  confining  the 
Emperor,  if  he  should  be  captured,  within  certain 
limits,  in  a  territory  chosen  by  the  Allies  and  the 
French  government.  This  condition,  the  work  of 
the  plotter  of  the  defection  of  Essonnes,  insulted  the 
Emperor  both  as  commander-in-chief  and  as  sover- 
eign. The  acceptance  of  such  a  favor  from  the  hands 
of  a  man  who  had  betrayed  him,  seemed  the  deepest 
of  humiliations.  This  last  drop  filled  the  cup  of 
bitterness  to  overflowing. 

Napoleon  had  just  read  the  resolutions  of  the  Pro- 


206  THE  INVASION   OF  1814. 

visional  Government  and  of  the  Senate ;  he  was 
aware  of  the  invectives,  the  denunciations,  which  dis- 
honored not  him,  but  those  who  uttered  them,  and 
his  heart  was  full.  Abandoned  by  fortune,  the  hero 
of  so  many  battles  gathered  himself  together,  and  in 
an  order  of  the  day,  addressed  to  his  army,  thus 
expressed  his  grief. 

This  paper,  so  full  of  dignified  sorrow,  begins  with 
a  calm  reference  to  Marmont's  conduct :  "  Fontaine- 
bleau,  April  5,  1814.  The  Emperor  thanks  the  army 
for  the  devotion  it  exhibits  to  him,  and  especially  for 
recognizing  that  France  is  in  him,  and  not  in  the 
people  of  the  capital.  The  soldier  follows  the  good 
or  evil  fortune  of  his  general ;  his  honor  is  his  relig- 
ion. The  Duke  of  Ragusa  has  not  inspired  his  fel- 
low-soldiers with  this  feeling;  he  has  gone  over  to 
the  Allies.  The  Emperor  cannot  approve  of  the  con- 
ditions under  which  he  has  taken  this  step ;  he  can- 
not accept  life  and  liberty  from  the  mercy  of  a 
subject." 

Napoleon  went  on  to  speak  of  the  Senate,  which 
had  just  voted  his  dethronement.  Even  Chateau- 
briand, the  most  eloquent  of  Royalists,  has  expressed 
his  disgust  with  their  cynical  recantations :  "  Can 
one  imagine  the  Emperor  reading  the  official  docu- 
ment at  Fontainebleau?  What  must  he  have  thought 
of  what  he  had  done,  and  of  the  men  he  had  made  his 
accomplices  in  the  oppression  of  our  liberties  ?  When 
I  published  my  pamphlet,  Bonaparte  and  the  Bour- 
bons, could  I  have  expected  to  see  it  expanded  and 


THE  SECOND  ABDICATION.  207 

turned  into  a  decree  of  dethronement  by  the  Senate  ? 
What  prevented  those  legislators,  in  the  days  of  pros- 
perity, from  detecting  the  evils  of  which  they  charged 
Napoleon  with  being  the  author,  from  seeing  that  the 
Constitution  was  violated  ?  What  zeal  was  suddenly 
seizing  these  mutes  for  the  liberty  of  the  press? 
How  could  those  who  had  loaded  Napoleon  with 
honors  on  his  return  from  the  wars,  now  find  that  he 
had  waged  them  only  'in  the  interest  of  his  unbounded 
ambition '  ?  How  could  those  who  had  ever  supplied 
him  with  conscripts,  now  suddenly  be  moved  by  the 
fate  of  wounded  soldiers,  '  without  aid,  or  nursing,  or 
food '  ?  When  I  ask  what  Napoleon  at  Fontainebleau 
thought  of  those  resolutions  of  the  Senate,  his  answer 
is  already  made.,,  And  this  answer  is  contained  in 
the. order  of  the  day  of  April  5,  1814,  of  which  we 
have  quoted  the  beginning. 

"The  Senate,"  Napoleon  says,  "has  presumed  to 
dispose  of  the  government  of  France,  forgetting  that 
it  owes  to  the  Emperor  the  power  it  now  abuses; 
that  it  is  the  Emperor  who  saved  some  of  its  mem- 
bers from  the  storms  of  the  Revolution,  and  raised 
the  rest  from  obscurity  and  protected  them  from  the 
hatred  of  the  nation.  The  Senate  relies  upon  the 
articles  of  the  Constitution  to  overthrow  the  Consti- 
tution itself ;  it  does  not  blush  to  denounce  the  Em- 
peror, without  noticing  that  as  the  first  body  of  the 
State,  it  has  taken  part  in  everything  that  has  hap- 
pened. It  has  gone  so  far  as  to  dare  to  accuse  the 
Emperor  of  altering   its  resolutions  in  their  publi- 


208  THE  INVASION   OF  1814. 

cation.  Every  one  knows  that  he  had  no  need  of 
such  devices.  A  sign  was  a  command  for  the  Senate, 
which  always  did  more  than  was  asked  of  it.  The 
Emperor  has  always  been  open  to  remonstrances  of 
his  Ministers,  and  in  this  circumstance  expected  of 
them  the  most  unlimited  justification  of  the  measures 
he  had  taken.  If  enthusiasm  has  found  expression 
in  the  public  addresses  and  speeches,  the  Emperor 
has  been  deceived.  But  those  who  have  used  this 
language  ought  to  blame  themselves  for  the  con- 
sequences of  their  flatteries.  The  Senate  is  not 
ashamed  to  speak  of  the  libels  published  against 
foreign  government,  it  forgets  that  they  were  pre- 
pared in  its  halls!  So  long  as  fortune  smiled  on 
their  sovereign,  these  men  were  faithful,  and  no 
complaint  was  heard  about  the  abuse  of  power." 

After  these  calm,  dignified  words  to  the  Senate, 
Napoleon  thus  closed  the  order  of  the.  day:  "If  the 
Emperor  had  despised  men,  as  he  has  been  charged 
with  doing,  the  world  would  acknowledge  that  he 
has  had  good  grounds  for  his  contempt.  He  held 
position  from  God  and  the  nation ;  they  alone  could 
deprive  him  of  it ;  he  has  always  looked  upon  it  as  a 
burden ;  and  when  he  accepted  it,  it  was  under  the 
conviction  that  he  alone  was  able  to  carry  it  worthily. 
The  happiness  of  France  appeared  to  be  bound  up 
with  the  Emperor's  destiny ;  now  that  fortune  has 
abandoned  him,,  nothing  but  the  will  of  the  nation 
could  persuade  him  to  remain  longer  on  the  throne. 
If   he  must  regard  himself  as  the  last  obstacle  to 


THE  SECOND  ABDICATION.  209 

peace,  he  gladly  makes  this  last  sacrifice  to  France. 
He  has  consequently  sent  the  Prince  of  Moskowa 
and  the  Dukes  of  Vicenza  and  Taranto  to  Paris  to 
open  negotiations.  The  army  may  be  sure  that  the 
Emperor's  honor  will  never  be  in  conflict  with  the 
happiness  of  France." 

Meanwhile,  the  efforts  of  the  three  plenipotenti- 
aries had  come  to  nothing.  After  the  defection  of 
Essonnes,  the  allied  sovereigns  no  longer  felt  obliged 
to  be  gentle  towards  Napoleon.  So  long  as  he  had 
been  at  the  head  of  fifty  thousand  men  within  one 
day's  march  of  Paris,  military  considerations  had  out- 
weighed many  intrigues.  Now  that  Fontainebleau 
was  no  longer  a  military  position,  on  account  of 
Marmont's  conduct,  the  aspect  of  affairs  was  changed ; 
the  time  for  softness  had  passed ;  abdication  in  favor 
of  the  Regent  and  her  son  was  no  longer  enough  for 
a  confident  enemy,  and  the  plenipotentiaries  were 
told  that  Napoleon  ought  to  renounce  the  throne,  not 
merely  for  himself,  but  also  for  his  dynasty. 

Alexander  clothed  this  declaration  in  noble  and 
courteous  language.  When  the  plenipotentiaries 
told  him  that  their  instructions  commanded  them  to 
treat  only  of  the  affairs  of  France  and  not  of  those 
concerning  Napoleon  personally,  he  exclaimed,  "I 
esteem  him  all  the  more  for  that."  Then  he  added 
that  he  had  forgotten  all  his  grievances;  that  his 
former  friendship  had  revived  at  the  sight  of  so 
much  misfortune  ;  that  he  deplored  the  necessity  of 
sacrificing  to  the  peace  of  Europe  such  heroism  as 


210  THE  INVASION  OF  lSlj. 

Napoleon's,  of  reducing  such  greatness  to  impotence. 
He  promised  that  Napoleon  should  preserve  the  title 
of  Emperor  and  the  honors  due  his  rank.  He  men- 
tioned the  island  of  Elba,  indicating  the  possibility  of 
Napoleon's  securing  the  sovereignty  of  that  island. 
All  this  thoroughly  disposed  of  the  reign  of  Napo- 
leon II.,  and  of  the  regency  of  Marie  Louise.  The 
plenipotentiaries  had  to  return  to  Fontainebleau  for 
further  instructions,  and  they  had  to  lose  no  time, 
for  from  one  hour  to  another  Napoleon's  situation 
was  growing  darker,  while  that  of  the  Bourbons  was 
growing  lighter;  and  any  consolations  that  there 
was  still  a  chance  of  his  obtaining  grew  more  uncer- 
tain every  moment. 

In  every  quarter  began  to  appear  signs  of  deser- 
tion. As  Baron  Fain,  the  Emperor's  devoted  secre- 
tary says  in  his  Manuscript  of  1814 :  "  The  struggle 
has  been  too  long ;  our  energy  is  exhausted ;  every 
one  says  openly,  We  have  had  enough.  The  only 
thought  is  to  save  what  is  left  of  our  belongings  after 
so  many  disasters.  ...  It  is  not  weariness  alone 
that  has  broken  men's  spirits.  Every  leader  of  im- 
portance has  received  from  Paris  conciliatory  mes- 
sages and  separate  promises  of  peace.  The  new  rev- 
olution is  looked  upon  as  an  amalgamation  of  all 
French  interests,  to  which  but  one  interest  —  that  of 
Napoleon  —  will  be  sacrificed.  Every  one,  conse- 
quently, is  hastening  to  Paris,  where  the  new  govern- 
ment welcomes  all  who  abandon  the  old.  Yet  every 
one  is  reluctant  to  be  the  first  to  desert  Napoleon. 


THE  SECOND  ABDICATION.  211 

But,  they  ask,  why  does  he  delay  so  long  to  leave  his 
adherents  free  ?  There  is  much  complaint  about  his 
delays,  his  indecision,  and  the  desperate  plans  he  is 
still  forming. 

"  Since  Napoleon's  fortune  changed,"  Baron  Fain 
continues,  "  he  is  thought  to  commit  nothing  but 
blunders,  and  already  new-fledged  strategists  are  sur- 
prised that  they  have  so  long  taken  him  for  their 
master.  Finally,  little  by  little,  every  one  has  chosen 
his  party.  One  goes  to  Paris  because  he  is  summoned 
thither  $  another,  because  he  must  look  after  the 
interests  of  his  branch  of  the  service  or  of  his  corps  ; 
another,  to  get  some  money;  still  another,  because 
his  wife  is  ill.  There  is  no  lack  of  good  reasons,  and 
every  man  of  the  least  importance  who  is  not  in  Paris 
has  some  one  there  to  represent  him."  Soon  the 
Palace  of  Fontainebleau  was  to  be  a  mere  solitude ; 
the  setting  sun  was  at  Fontainebleau,  the  rising  sun 
at  Paris. 

When  Ney,  Macdonald,  and  Caulaincourt  arrived  in 
the  evening  of  April  5  to  inform  the  Emperor  of  the 
failure  of  their  mission,  they  found  him  calm  and  dig- 
nified, blaming  neither  men  nor  things,  nor  yet  con- 
fessing to  despair.  When  they  told  him  that  the 
principal  cause  of  the  trouble  was  the  conduct  of  the 
generals  of  the  Sixth  Corps,  he  answered  calmly: 
"Doubtless,  I  decided  them.  I  summoned  Marmont; 
they  imagined  themselves  discovered,  and  in  their 
remorse,  terror  did  the  rest."  When  he  heard  that 
that  the  allied  sovereigns  proposed  to  give  Corsica  or 


212  THE  INVASION   OF  1814, 

something  else,  he  exclaimed  :  "  Oh,  Corsica,  without 
doubt.  They  must  have  been  afraid  of  the  nickname, 
which  they  do  not  dare  to  pronounce,  they  have  so  long 
used  it  as  an  insult."  Their  talk  was  brief.  The 
Emperor  asked  if  he  should  find  in  Elba  an  inhabi- 
table house,  and  ordered  competent  officers  sent  out 
to  find  out  about  the  island.  Then  he  dismissed  the 
two  marshals,  promising  to  inform  them  the  next 
morning  of  his  decision. 

Marshal  Ney,  on  leaving  the  Emperor,  hastened  to 
write  to  Talleyrand  this  letter,  which  was  published 
in  the  Moniteur :  — 

"  Fontainebleau,  April  5,  11.30  p.m.  My  Loed: 
I  went  yesterday  to  Paris  with  the  Marshal,  the 
Duke  of  Taranto,  and  the  Duke  of  Vicenza,  in- 
vested with  full  powers  to  defend  before  His 
Majesty  the  Emperor  the  interests  of  the  dynasty 
of  the  Emperor  Napoleon.  An  unforeseen  event 
having  broken  off  the  negotiations,  which  seemed 
to  promise  the  happiest  result,  I  saw  that  to  save 
our  beloved  country  from  the  awful  evils  of  civil 
war,  nothing  was  left  to  Frenchmen  but  to  embrace 
fully  the  cause  of  our  former  king.  Possessed 
by  this  feeling,  I  visited  Napoleon  this  evening  to 
express  to  him  the  wishes  of  the  nation.  The  Em- 
peror, convinced  of  the  critical  position  in  which  he 
has  placed  France,  of  the  impossibility  of  his  saving 
it,  appeared  to  be  resigned  and  to  consent  to  com- 
plete, unrestricted  abdication.  I  am  in  hope  that 
to-morrow  morning  he  will  hand  me  the  formal  and 


THE  SECOND  ABDICATION.  213 

authentic  document  to  this  effect.  I  shall  at  once 
have  the  honor  of  calling  on  Your  Most  Serene  High- 
ness." 

Napoleon  spent  the  night  of  the  5th  in  reflection. 
He  weighed  from  a  military  point  of  view  the  last 
chances  that  yet  remained.  He  thought  of  Marshal 
Soult's  fifty  thousand  men  under  the  walls  of  Tou- 
louse, of  the  fifteen  thousand  whom  Marshal  Suchet 
was  bringing  back  from  Catalonia,  of  the  thirty 
thousand  under  Prince  Eugene,  of  the  fifteen  thou- 
sand of  Augereau's  army  thrown  back  on  the  Ce*- 
vennes  by  the  loss  of  Lyons,  of  the  numerous  gar- 
risons on  the  frontier,  of  General  Maison's  army. 
He  counted  over  what  was  left  of  the  troops  near 
Fontainebleau  —  the  army  corps  of  Mortier,  Oudi- 
not,  Macdonald,  Gerard  —  and  his  faithful  Imperial 
Guard,  still  devoted,  heroic,  and  ardent.  If  all  the 
marshals,  all  the  generals,  all  the  officers,  shared 
the  feelings  of  the  guard,  everything  might  be  saved. 
But  were  there  not  germs  of  defection?  Had  not, 
too,  the  Allies  established  a  sort  of  blockade  about 
Fontainebleau,  which  was  closing  in  every  hour? 
Their  troops  were  crowding  every  road.  A  Russian 
army  lay  between  Essonnes  and  Paris,  another  lay  on 
the  right  bank  of  the  Seine  from  Melun  to  Monte- 
reau.  Other  corps  were  marching  towards  Orleans 
and  Chartres ;  still  others  were  spreading  out  by  the 
roads  of  Champagne  and  Burgundy,  between  the 
Yonne  and  the  Loire.  It  was  barely  possible  to 
withdraw  to  that  river  and  there  to  organize  a  line 


214  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

of  defence  ;  but  would  not  that  be  a  signal  for  civil 
war  ?  Would  not  France  be  divided  into  two  camps 
under  two  flags  ?  Would  not  the  great  Emperor  be 
merely  the  head  of  a  party?  In  spite  of  all  these 
objections,  he  listened  only  to  his  own  inclinations, 
to  his  warlike  ardor,  and  wished  to  continue  the 
struggle  ;  but  would  he  be  followed  ? 

All  these  thoughts  tormented  Napoleon  through- 
out the  night.  When  morning  came,  he  summoned 
his  marshals,  and  tried  in  vain  to  inspire  them  with 
his  own  energy.  He  spoke  of  retiring  on  the  Loire. 
They  argued  that  this  would  mean  civil  war.  "  Well," 
he  answered*  "since  I  must  abandon  the  defence  of 
France,  does  not  Italy  offer  me  a  worthy  retreat? 
Will  you  follow  me  there?  Let  us  march  to  the 
Alps ! "  This  proposition  was  greeted  with  perfect 
silence.  As  Baron  Fain,  an  eye-witness,  says :  "  Oh  ! 
if  Napoleon  had  only  dashed  from  that  room  into  the 
hall  crowded  with  lower  officers,  he  would  have 
found  young  men  eager  to  follow  him !  a  few  steps 
further,  and  he  would  have  been  received  at  the  foot 
of  the  staircase  by  the  cheers  of  his  soldiers !  Their 
enthusiasm  would  have  restored  his  hopes !  But 
Napoleon  succumbed  to  the  habits  of  his  reign ;  he 
fancied  that  he  would  be  lowering  himself  if  he  were 
to  march  without  the  high  officers  given  him  by  the 
crown ;  it  seemed  to  him  that  General  Bonaparte 
could  not  begin  his  career  anew  without  the  band  of 
his  old  lieutenants ;  and  he  had  just  observed  their 
silence." 


THE  SECOND  ABDICATION.  215 

At  the  Palace  of  Fontainebleau,  in  the  Abdication 
Room,  with  its  two  windows  looking  out  on  the  mel- 
ancholy Garden  of  Diana,  stands  a  little  mahogany 
table  which  attracts  more  attention  than  all  the 
sumptuous  furniture  around  it.  Imagine  Napoleon 
seated  before  it,  unable  to  make  up  his  mind  to  sign 
the  fatal  paper  without  a  final,  heart-breaking  effort. 
With  one  touch  of  the  pen,  to  sweep  away  the  colos- 
sal edifice  of  power  and  majesty !  to  wipe  out  the 
results  of  so  many  heroic  sacrifices !  Thus  to  finish 
the  splendid  drama !  What !  no  more  eagles,  no  tri- 
colored  flag,  no  Empire,  no  Empress,  no  King  of 
Rome  !  Nothing,  actually  nothing,  left !  It  is  easy 
to  understand  why,  merely  in  writing  the  lines,  his 
hand  trembled  as  if  palsied.  Napoleon  wrote  merely 
the  draft,  of  which  Baron  Fain  made  a  copy,  and  this 
he  signed.  The  original  draft  is  in  existence ;  it  is 
barely  legible,  and  looks  as  if  written  in  cabalistic 
characters.  There  are  two  insertions ;  one  consists 
of  these  words:  "for  himself  and  for  his  children," 
words  that  cost  the  unhappy  father  much  anguish ; 
the  other :  "  faithful  to  his  oath." 

The  document  runs  thus :  "  The  Allied  Powers  hav- 
ing proclaimed  that  the  Emperor  was  the  sole  obstacle 
to  the  re-establishment  of  peace  in  Europe,  the  Em- 
peror, faithful  to  his  oath,  declares  that  he  renounces 
for  himself  and  for  his  children,  the  thrones  of  France 
and  Italy,  and  that  there  is  no  sacrifice,  even  that  of 
his  life,  which  he  is  not  ready  to  make  for  the  inter- 
ests of  France." 


216  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 


What  an  agony  it  was  for  the  unhappy  sovereign 
to  face  those  men,  the  sight  of  whom  was  a  mute 
reproach;  to  stand  before  the  honest  Caulaincourt, 
whose  excellent  counsels  he  had  not  been  wise 
enough  to  listen  to ;  the  marshals,  who  would  remain 
in  command  of  French  army  corps,  while  he,  the 
Emperor,  would  perhaps  no  longer  have  a  battalion 
under  his  orders !  What  a  torture  for  him  whose 
slightest  whim  had  been  like  the  irrevocable  decrees 
of  Fate,  to  have  to  obey  their  repeated,  almost  inso- 
lent demands !  and  then  to  sign  his  own  dethrone- 
ment, in  the  palace  where  he  had  once  been  so  splen- 
didly powerful,  within  two  steps  from  the  throne ! 
Napoleon  stood  up,  cast  one  last  glance  at  his  lieu- 
tenants, and  said :  "  You  want  repose  ;  take  it !  Alas ! 
you  do  not  know  what  griefs  and  perils  await  you  on 
your  beds  of  down.  A  few  years  of  this  peace  for 
which  you  pay  so  dear  will  do  away  with  more  of 
you  than  would  the  most  desperate  war."  Then  sit- 
ting down  again,  he  seized  his  pen  and  wrote  his 
signature. 


XVII. 

THE  EMPRESS'S   ANGUISH. 

WHILE  Napoleon  was  abdicating  at  Fontaine- 
bleau,  Marie  Louise  was  at  Blois,  where  she 
had  been  since  April  2,  though  the  government  she 
had  established  there  was  but  a  mere  phantom  of 
power.  Palm  Sunday,  April  3,  the  Empress  received 
the  authorities  of  the  city,  after  mass  ;  there  were  no 
speeches  in  view  of  the  state  of  affairs,  but  the  Em- 
press, accompanied  by  her  son,  walked  from  one  to 
another,  with  a  few  words  to  each,  beginning  with 
the  clergy.  Her  face  was  sad,  although  as  one  of  the 
ladies  present,  the  widow  of  General  Durand,  records, 
she  was  still  in  ignorance  of  all  that  had  happened 
in  Paris  ;  the  decision  of  the  Provisional  Government, 
the  decree  of  the  Senate,  had  not  yet  come  to  her 
cars  ;  newspapers  were  kept  from  her ;  the  Bourbons 
were  never  mentioned  before  her ;  hence  she  foresaw 
nothing  worse  than  that  Napoleon  would  be  forced  to 
make  peace  on  such  conditions  as  might  be  imposed 
upon  him.  She  was  very  far  from  imagining  that 
the  Emperor  of  Austria  desired  to  dethrone  his  son- 
in-law,  and  to  deprive  his  grandson  of  a  throne  which 
seemed  to  await  him. 

217 


218  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

The  next  day,  the  Empress  had  gloomier  forebod- 
ings. We  have  said  that  in  the  evening  of  April  3, 
Napoleon,  after  the  sort  of  altercation  that  he  had 
had  with  Marshal  Ney,  which  was  one  of  the  main 
causes  of  his  abdicating  the  next  day,  had  charged 
the  Baron  de  M^neval,  by  a  letter  in  cipher,  to  pre- 
pare Marie  Louise  to  make  use  of  her  father  and 
Metternich  to  confirm  her  rights  to  the  Regency, 
adding  that  even  this  might  fail ;  that  in  that  case, 
anything,  even  his  own  death,  might  be  possible,  and 
that  then  there  would  be  no  other  course  left  open  to 
the  Empress  than  to  go  with  her  son  to  throw  herself 
into  the  arms  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria. 

This  letter  filled  the  faithful  official  with  the  keen- 
est anxiety.  Napoleon's  allusion  to  his  possible  death 
seemed  to  foretell  suicide,  and  matters  must  indeed 
be  in  a  terrible  state  when  a  man  of  iron,  like  the 
Emperor,  could  use  such  language.  M.  de  M^neval, 
without  informing  Marie  Louise  of  all  his  fears,  urged 
her  to  write  a  letter  of  entreaty  to  her  father,  and 
the  Empress  at  once  followed  his  advice.  Von  Hel- 
fert,  in  his  admirable  book  about  Marie  Louise,  prints 
this  letter  in  German.     It  runs  thus  :  — 

"  Blois,  April  4, 1814.  My  dear  Father  :  I  send 
the  Duke  of  Cadore  to  you  to  describe  our  wretched 
plight.  I  beg  of  you  to  be  good  enough  to  receive 
him.  I  have  confided  everything  to  him,  and  he  can 
tell  you  better  by  word  of  mouth  than  I  can  write. 
Our  position  is  so  gloomy  and  alarming  that  my  son 
and  I  have  no  other  refuge  than  with  you.     I  am 


THE  EMPRESS'S  ANGUISH.  219 

sure  that  at  this  moment  you  alone  can  aid  us.  I  am 
convinced  that  you  will  listen  to  my  prayer  and  will 
refuse  to  sacrifice  to  England  and  Russia  my  peace 
and  the  interests  of  your  grandson.  I  know  that 
the  Duke  of  Vicenza  went  to  Paris  in  order  to  nego- 
tiate, and  that  the  Emperor  Alexander  refused  to  re- 
ceive him."  The  Empress  was  mistaken,  for  the  Czar 
had  never  refused  to  receive  the  Duke  of  Vicenza. 

She  went  on :  "I  am  sure  that  in  this  critical 
position,  the  Emperor  will  make  every  sacrifice  to 
give  his  people  peace  and  rest.  Paris  would  have 
been  defended  more  seriously  if  it  had  not  been 
thought  that  it  was  attacked  by  you  and  that  you 
would  not  abandon  your  daughter  and  your  grandson. 
Hence  I  entrust  myself  to  your  hand,  dear  father ;  I 
am  sure  that  you  will  save  us  from  this  terrible  situ- 
ation. I  send  the  Duke  of  Cadore  from  my  present 
refuge.  My  health  suffers  from  all  these  trials;  it 
becomes  worse  every  day,  and  I  am  sure  you  would 
not  wish  me  to  live  long  in  this  cruel  anxiety.  Once 
more,  take  pity  on  me.  I  entrust  to  you  the  safety 
of  what  I  hold  dearest  in  the  world,  a  son  too  young 
to  know  sorrow  and  grief.  I  hope  soon  to  have  to 
thank  you  for  the  happiness  and  peace  which  we  shall 
owe  to  you.  I  kiss  your  hand  and  am  your  obedient 
daughter." 

The  Duke  of  Cadore  started  from  Blois  with  this 
letter,  April  4,  and  in  his  absence  the  post  of  Secre- 
tary to  the  Regency  was  filled  by  the  Count  of  Mon- 
talivet.     The  Duke  of  Cadore,  a  former  ambassador 


220  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

from  France  at  Vienna,  had  been  treated  there  with 
great  kindness  by  the  Emperor  Francis,  who  had 
consented  to  be  godfather  to  one  of  his  children,  and 
Marie  Louise  had  thought  that  no  one  could  better 
plead  the  cause  of  the  King  of  Rome. 

The  unhappy  Empress  was  a  prey  to  the  liveliest 
anguish.  The  Baron  de  M^neval,  an  eye-witness  of 
her  grief,  thus  describes  her  distress :  u  Marie  Louise 
at  times  expressed  her  regret  at  having  left  Paris, 
and  spoke  of  her  desire  to  join  the  Emperor.  The 
opposing  obstacles,  the  conflicting  opinions  of  her 
suite,  caused  her  to  postpone  the  meeting,  which  was 
ever  in  her  thoughts.  Her  anxiety  was  intense  ;  the 
violent  emotions  that  had  tormented  her,  her  never- 
ending  tears,  her  sleeplessness,  had  made  her  extremely 
nervous.  She  could  form  no  notion  of  the  passions 
agitating  France.  She  continually  recalled  her  fa- 
ther's assurances,  and  could  not  persuade  herself  that 
the  Emperor  of  Austria  would  sacrifice  her  with  her 
husband  and  her  son.  Meanwhile,  what  was  happen- 
ing at  Paris  was  about  to  shatter  her  illusion ;  she 
was  in  despair,  but  she  clutched,  like  a  drowning  man, 
at  her  father's  love  as  the  only  means  of  safety. 
When  she  heard  that  the  Emperor  of  Austria  was 
not  in  Paris,  she  hoped  that  he  would  never  give 
his  consent  to  what  had  been  done  in  his  absence, 
and  that  his  voice  would  be  listened  to." 

At  that  time  the  Empress's  attitude  was  above  all 
blame.  The  Duke  of  Rovigo,  the  Minister  of  Police, 
who   happened   to  be  at  Blois  with  her,  thus  unre- 


THE  EMPRESS'S  ANGUISH.  221 

\ 

servedly  eulogizes  her  in  his  Memoirs :  "  The  Empress 
was  in  the  greatest  distress.  She  was  in  tears  during 
the  whole  week  she  spent  at  Blois ;  she  had  formed 
a  wholly  different  opinion  of  the  French.  The 
malevolence  of  those  who  cast  her  from  the  throne 
has  imputed  to  her  lack  of  character,  some  of  the 
misfortunes  for  which  she  was  in  no  way  to  blame. 
If  the  Empress,  instead  of  being  a  young  woman  un- 
der twenty-two,  had  been  of  an  age  at  which  confi- 
dence is  reached  by  experience,  and  she  had  consented 
to  listen  to  the  advice  of  those  in  whom  she  trusted, 
things  would  probably  have  turned  out  very  differ- 
ently ;  but  this  was  not  the  case :  the  Emperor  had 
composed  her  suite,  and  she  set  the  example  of  sub- 
mission. At  home  as  in  public  she  never  neglected 
any  of  the  rigorous  rules  imposed  upon  her  youth, 
which  made  it  impossible  for  her  to  have  a  private 
talk  with  any  one  except  her  appointed  counsellors. 
I  had  the  honor  of  seeing  her  very  often  at  this 
painful  moment,  and  became  convinced  of  her  devo- 
tion to  the  Emperor.  She  said  to  me  one  day: 
'Those  who  thought  I  should  have  stayed  in  Paris 
were  right;  my  father's  soldiers  perhaps  would  not 
have  driven  me  away.  What  must  I  think  when  I 
see  him  allowing  all  that  ? '  " 

April  4,  at  3  a.m.,  Joseph  and  Jerome,  with  the 
Duke  of  Feltre,  Minister  of  War,  left  Blois,  taking 
the  road  to  Orleans,  in  order  to  ascertain  whether  it 
might  not  be  well  to  establish  the  Regency  there, 
where   there  would   be   easier   communication    with 


222  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

the  Emperor.  Joseph  also  meant  to  go  to  Fontaine- 
bleau,  to  receive  his  brother's  direct  instructions,  but 
the  fear  of  capture  by  the  enemies'  troops  caused 
him  to  abandon  this  project.  A  high  officer  of  the 
Commissariat,  who  had  been  trying  to  rejoin  Napo- 
leon, had  been  prevented  by  the  arrival  of  a  corps  of 
the  enemy,  and  on  his  way  back  had  stopped  at 
Orleans,  at  the  hotel  where  happened  to  be  the 
Minister  of  War.  This  functionary  invited  him  to 
call  on  him,  and  in  the  presence  of  a  third  person, 
who  was  no  other  than  King  Jerome,  asked  him  the 
most  minute  questions,  to  ascertain  if  it  was  possible 
to  make  his  way  to  Fontainebleau.  The  manifest 
danger  caused  Joseph  to  abandon  the  plan,  so  he 
returned  to  Blois  with  Jerome,  and  wrote  to  the 
Emperor  this  letter  :  — 

"Blois,  April  6,  1814.  Sire:  I  went  to  Orleans 
day  before  yesterday  in  order  to  see  Your  Majesty 
for  a  few  moments.  I  could  get  no  further,  on 
account  of  the  arrival  of  a  hostile  corps  which  cut 
off  all  communication.  M.  de  Cadore  continued  his 
journey.  .  .  .  We  have  had  no  letter  since  the  3d. 
A  messenger  announces  a  suspension  of  hostilities. 
I  hope  it  will  be  followed  by  peace." 

Joseph  and  Jerome  did  not  seem  wholly  discour- 
aged. They  had  sent  before  them  to  Blois  the 
papers  of  the  Ministry  of  War,  and  forty  clerks  with 
orders  to  work  night  and  day  at  recruiting.  Com- 
munication with  many  divisions  was  still  open.  New 
levies  were  talked  about,  as  well  as  organizing  unat- 


THE  EMPRESS'S  ANGUISH.  223 

tached  corps  in  the  departments  occupied  by  the 
Allies.  The  Regency  had  sent  to  the  prefects  a 
circular  in  which  recent  events  were  thus  described :  — 

"The  Emperor,  who  had  transferred  his  head- 
quarters to  Troyes,  March  29,  moved  in  forced 
marches  through  Sens  towards'  his  capital.  His 
Majesty  was  at  Fontainebleau,  March  31 ;  then  he 
learned  that  the  enemy,  who  had  arrived  twenty-four 
hours  before  the  French  army,  occupied  Paris,  after 
a  hot  and  bloody  defence.  The  corps  of  the  Dukes  of 
Treviso  and  of  Ragusa,  and  that  of  General  Compans, 
which  hastened  to  the  defence  of  the  capital,  are 
united  between  Essonnes  and  Paris,  where  His  Ma- 
jesty has  taken  up  his  position  with  the  whole  army 
arriving  from  Troyes.  The  enemy's  occupation  of 
the  capital  is  a  sore  grief  to  His  Majesty's  heart,  but 
it  is  no  cause  for  alarm  ;  the  presence  of  the  Emperor 
with  his  army  at  the  gates  of  Paris  will  restrain  the 
enemy  from  their  accustomed  excesses,  in  so  populous 
a  city  which  it  can  only  hold  with  great  risk." 

This  optimistic  proclamation  was  not  published  in 
Blois ;  for  it  was  doubtless  thought  that  it  would  not 
be  received  with  favor  in  a  town  so  near  the  scene  of 
events.  It  was  reserved  for  the  remoter  departments, 
and  the  prefects  to  whom  it  was  sent  were  instructed 
to  publish  it  with  such  comments  as  circumstances 
might  make  most  suitable.  These,  for  example,  were 
the  comments  of  the  prefect  of  the  department  of 
Maine-et-Loire :  "  The  Emperor  is  in  good  health, 
and  watching  over  the  safety  of  all.     Her  Majesty 


224  THE  INVASION   OF  1814, 

the  Empress  and  the  King  of  Rome  are  in  safety. 
The  Emperor's  brothers,  the  high  dignitaries,  the 
Ministers,  the  Senate,  and  the  Council  of  State  are 
on  the  banks  of  the  Loire,  where  the  seat  of  the  gov- 
ernment is  temporarily  established.  Hence  the  power 
of  the  government  will  not  be  paralyzed ;  good  citi- 
zens, true  Frenchmen,  may  be  afflicted  by  the  occu- 
pation of  the  capital,  but  they  ought  not  to  be 
alarmed;  they  should  entrust  to  the  Emperor's 
activity  and  to  his  genius  the  task  of  freeing  us ! 
They  should  understand  that  in  such  a  momentous 
occasion  the  national  honor  and  a  wise  view  of  our 
interests  command  us  to  rally  around  our  sovereign ! 
Let  us  aid  his  efforts  and  spare  no  sacrifice  to  put  an 
end  to  this  terrible  struggle  against  enemies  who,  not 
content  with  righting  our  armies,  have  struck  a  dead- 
lier blow  at  what  every  citizen  holds  most  dear,  and 
are  ravaging  this  fair  country,  whose  glory  and  pros- 
perity have  always  been  the  object  of  their  jealous 
hatred.  In  spite  of  the  successes  obtained  by  the 
Army  of  the  Coalition,  which  it  will  not  long  enjoy, 
the  scene  of  war  is  still  remote  from  you  ;  but  if  any 
marauders,  led  by  hope  of  pillage,  dare  to  appear  in 
your  territory,  they  will  find  you  armed  to  defend 
your  wives,  your  children,  your  property  !  " 

At  Blois  this  patriotic  language  would  have  pro- 
duced but  little  impression,  because  every  one  there 
was  discouraged.  Wednesday,  April  6,  arrived  the 
Polytechnic  School,  the  School  of  Saint  Cyr,  and 
that   of    Charenton,   and   the   pages.      A   pamphlet 


THE  EMPRESS'S  ANGUISH.  225 

that  appeared  in  1814,  entitled  The  Regency  at 
Blois,  or  the  Last  Moments  of  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment, contains  this  passage :  "  The  city  of  Blois  was 
already  full ;  every  inhabitant  had  shared  his  house, 
his  room,  or  even  given  up  his  bed  to  his  new  guests. 
These  were  polite,  but  there  was  dread  of  unpleasant 
ones,  when  it  was  proposed  to  establish  two  camps 
near  Blois,  and  this  news  kept  men's  minds  divided 
between  the  spectacle  of  the  present  and  dread  of 
the  future,  between  surprise  at  the  picture  of  the 
mutability  of  human  affairs,  as  shown  by  this  fugitive 
court,  and  the  fear  of  an  army  which  might  be  sum- 
moned to  defend  Blois,  and  might  pay  for  its  hospi- 
tality with  all  the  horrors  of  war." 

Meanwhile,  Marie  Louise,  at  the  head  of  her  dim 
shadow  of  a  government,  kept  up,  until  April  7,  a 
faint  hope.  She  had  been  persuaded  to  sign  a  proc- 
lamation which  was  posted  in  Blois  on  the  morning 
of  that  day  ;  it  ran  thus :  "  Frenchmen,  the  course  of 
the  war  has  put  the  capital  in  the  hands  of  foreigners. 
The  Emperor,  who  hastened  to  defend  it,  is  at  the 
head  of  his  so  often  victorious  armies.  It  is  from 
the  residence  I  have  chosen  and  from  the  Emperor's 
Ministers  that  will  be  issued  the  only  orders  which 
you  may  obey.  Every  city  in  the  enemy's  power 
ceases  to  be  free ;  every  order  issuing  thence  is  the 
language  of  the  foreigners,  or  of  one  whom  it  suits 
their  views  to  spread  abroad.  You  will  remain 
faithful  to  your  vows;  you  will  listen  to  the  voice 
of  a  princess  entrusted  to  your  fidelity,  who  glories 


226  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

in  being  a  Frenchwoman,  and  in  sharing  the  des- 
tinies of  the  sovereign  whom  you  have  yourselves 
chosen.  My  son  was  less  sure  of  your  hearts  in  the 
days  of  our  prosperity.  His  rights  and  his  person 
are  under  your  protection.  [Signed]  Marie  Louise. 
[Countersigned]  Montalivet,  Secretary  pro  tempore 
of  the  Regency." 

As  the  Baron  de  Meneval  remarks,  this  proclama- 
tion, which  was  sent  into  every  department  which  it 
could  reach,  and  was  the  last  official  paper  of  the  Re- 
gency, passed  almost  unnoticed.  Since  no  one  could 
foresee  what  might  happen  in  twenty-four  hours,  the 
Ministers  used  to  come  to  the  palace  in  travelling- 
dress. 

That  day,  April  7,  Marie  Louise,  from  whom  her 
suite,  moved  either  by  pity  or  the  habit  of  flattery, 
concealed  the  bad  news,  was  still  ignorant  of  every- 
thing that  had  happened  since  her  departure.  One 
of  her  ladies,  the  widow  of  General  Durand,  who 
had  remained  in  Paris,  secured  a  passport  and  left 
on  the  6th,  reaching  Blois  on  the  7th.  She  gave  the 
Empress  not  only  the  documents  entrusted  to  her, 
but  also  the  resolutions  of  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment, and  all  the  newspapers.  "  The  Empress,"  she 
says  in  her  Memoirs,  "had  been  kept  in  such  com- 
plete ignorance  that  she  could  scarcely  believe  what 
she  read.  .  .  .  She  was  urged  and  entreated  to 
return  to  Paris  before  a  prince  of  the  house  of  Bour- 
bon should  arrive ;  she  was  assured  of  the  Regency 
for  herself,  and  of   the  throne  for  her  son,  if  she 


THE  EMPRESS'S  ANGUISH.  227 

would  consent;  and  her  return  would  have  been 
easy ;  for  the  lady  who  brought  the  despatches  had 
travelled  alone  in  a  post-chaise,  with  but  one  servant, 
and  had  not  been  called  upon  once  to  show  her  pass- 
port." For  a  moment  Marie  Louise  thought  of 
following  Madame  Durand's  advice,  but  her  suite  dis- 
suaded her  from  a  decision  which  the  Emperor  had 
not  commanded,  and  which  doubtless  would  have 
been  taken  too  late  to  be  of  any  service. 

The  same  day,  April  7,  Colonel  Galbois,  whom  the 
Emperor  had  sent  the  day  before  from  Fontainebleau, 
after  making  his  way  with  great  difficulty  through 
the  allied  troops,  presented  himself  before  the  Em- 
press. He  thus  describes  his  mission :  "  I  reached 
Blois  early ;  the  Empress  received  me  at  once.  The 
Emperor's  abdication  surprised  her  greatlv.  She 
could  not  believe  that  the  allied  sovereigns  had  the 
intention  of  dethroning  the  Emperor  Napoleon.  '  My 
father,'  she  said,  '  would  not  allow  it ;  he  told  me 
twenty  times,  when  he  placed  me  on  the  French 
throne,  that  he  would  always  maintain  me  there,  and 
my  father  is  an  honest  man.'  The  Empress  asked  to 
be  left  alone  to  meditate  on  the  Emperor's  letter. 
Then  I  saw  the  King  of  Spain  and  the  King  of 
Westphalia.  Joseph  was  deeply  afflicted.  Jerome 
was  very  violent  against  Napoleon.  Marie  Louise 
asked  for  me,  and  told  me  she  wished  to  go  to  the 
Emperor.  I  told  her  this  was  impossible.  Then  Her 
Majesty  asked  me  with  some  vivacity,  i  Why  so, 
Colonel  ?     You  can  do  it !     My  place  is  at  the  Em- 


228  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

peror's  side  when  he  is  so  unhappy.  I  desire  to  go  to 
him,  and  I  shall  be  happy  anywhere  provided  I  am 
with  him.'  I  told  the  Empress  what  difficulty  I  had 
had  in  getting  to  Blois,  and  how  much  harder  it 
would  be  to  make  my  way  back.  Indeed,  it  was  a 
very  perilous  journey.  It  was  only  with  difficulty 
that  the  Empress  was  induced  to  change  her  mind ; 
but  at  last  she  decided  to  write. 

"  I  was  able  to  reach  the  Emperor  without  being 
stopped.  He  read  Marie  Louise's  letter  with  the 
utmost  eagerness,  and  seemed  much  touched  by 
the  interest  she  showed.  The  Empress  spoke  of 
the  possibility  of  collecting  a  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  men.  The  Emperor  read  the  passage 
aloud,  and  said  to  me :  4  Yes ;  doubtless  I  could 
prolong  the  campaign,  and  possibly  succeed ;  but  I 
should  start  civil  war  in  France,  and  that  I  will  not 
do.  .  .  .  Besides,  I  have  signed  my  abdication,  and 
I  will  not  retract  what  I  have  done.' " 

It  is  certain  that  at  this  moment  Marie  Louise  had 
no  thought  of  abandoning  Napoleon,  but  that  she 
sincerely  desired  to  join  him.  General  de  Se'gur 
blames  her  for  not  doing  this  at  once  ;  and  in  his 
Memoirs  expresses  himself  on  this  delicate  subject : 
"  Madame  de  Lucay,  my  mother-in-law,  a  lady  of  the 
bedchamber  to  Marie  Louise,  was  a  model  of  conjugal 
affection.  Twice  in  the  Terror  she  had  saved  her 
husband's  life  by  imperilling  her  own,  with  the  most 
devoted  and  most  intelligent  courage.  Being  en- 
dowed with  the  amiable  and   attractive  virtues,  as 


THE  EMPRESS'S  ANGUISH.  229 

well  as  with  the  notions  of  honor  that  distinguished 
the  higher  classes  at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury, she  had  just  secretly  persuaded  the  Empress  to 
go  from  Blois  to  Fontainebleau.  Unfortunately, 
absolute  secrecy  was  indispensable.  Already  the 
carriage  that  had  been  ordered  was  waiting  for  her 
at  the  foot  of  the  staircase,  when  another  person  was 
announced,  who  had  long  had  a  most  pernicious 
influence  on  Marie  Louise's  weak  nature.  The  Em- 
press, who  was  much  upset  by  this  unexpected  visit, 
sent  her  lady  of  the  bedchamber  into  the  next  room, 
and  from  there  my  mother-in-law  could  hear  only  too 
well  with  what  perfidious  art  the  generous  and  noble 
plan  the  Empress  had  just  formed  was  changed  into 
the  saddest  of  desertions." 

Our  own  impression  is  that  the  Empress's  conduct 
at  this  moment  deserves  no  blame.  Not  only  Napo- 
leon had  not  summoned  her  to  his  side ;  he  was  not 
anxious  to  see  her.  It  would  have  pained  him  to 
have  her  see  him  at  Fontainebleau,  already  almost 
deserted,  with  but  a  mockery  of  a  court  and  a  phan- 
tom of  power  left.  Early  in  the  year,  in  spite  of  his 
disasters,  he  was  still  a  monarch  at  the  Tuileries ;  he 
was  the  ruler  of  all  France,  and  of  France  with 
natural  frontiers.  Now  he  was  not  even  King  of 
Fontainebleau ;  his  Empire  did  not  extend  beyond 
the  palace  gate.  He  would  have  suffered  at  seeing 
the  little  King  of  Rome  shorn  of  his  magnificent 
heritage,  and  more  for  his  wife  and  son  than  for  him- 
self,     lie  could  appear  in  his  humiliation  before  his 


230  THE  INVASION  OF  2814. 

generals,  but  to  appear  before  the  daughter  of  the 
German  Caesars,  the  woman  who  so  recently  shared 
with  him  the  proudest  throne  in  the  world,  who  had 
made  so  imposing  an  entry  into  the  Tuileries  only 
four  years  before,  and  there  had  lived  amid  unheard-of 
pomp  and  splendor,  —  that  thought  wrung  his  heart. 
Moreover,  he  was  now  contemplating  suicide,  which 
the  presence  of  his  wife  would  have  made  impossible. 
His  secretary,  Baron  Fain,  confesses  this :  "  Napo- 
leon, who  dreaded  this  interview,  wished  to  remain 
free  for  the  plan  he  was  considering." 

Meanwhile,  Marie  Louise's  anxiety  was  telling  on 
her  health.  She  could  not  decide  on  what  she  ought 
to  do.  At  one  moment  she  felt  sure  that,  in  spite  of 
all  obstacles  and  arguments,  it  was  her  duty  to  go 
to  her  husband,  even  though  he  did  not  invite  her ; 
at  the  next,  she  imagined  that  it  was  better,  not 
merely  for  her,  but  for  her  son,  that  she  should  go 
to  her  father,  to  plead,  with  all  the  eloquence  she 
could  command,  the  cause  of  what  was  left  of  the 
Empire.  She  ceased  to  expect  anything  from  her 
brothers-in-law,  who  cared  for  nothing  but  saving  the* 
fragments  of  their  fortune ;  or  from  her  councillors, 
most  of  whom  had  left  her,  while  the  others  gave  her 
uncertain  and  timid  advice ;  or  from  the  nation, 
whose  defection  filled  her  with  wrath.  She  remem- 
bered the  heroic  cry  of  the  Hungarians :  Moriamur 
pro  rege  nostro  !  she  had  seen  Austria  loyal  when  its 
sovereign  was  unfortunate ;  she  did  not  forget  the 
attitude  of  her  father's  subjects  after  Wagram ;  the 


THE  EMPRESS'S  ANGUISH.  231 

obsequious  flattery  of  Napoleon  in  the  days  of  his 
success  was  still  fresh  in  her  ears,  and  she  was  indig- 
nant with  what  she  heard  of  Paris,  and  with  the 
insults  and  the  selfishness  of  the  Senate,  of  whose 
members  Chateaubriand  said,  "  The  sordid  effrontery 
of  those  Senators  who,  during  the  invasion  of  their 
country,  never  ceased  to  think  of  themselves,  was 
striking,  even  when  so  important  events  were  happen- 
ing. .  .  .  The  Provisional  Government  proscribed 
all  the  marks  and  emblems  of  Imperialism ;  if  the  Arc 
de  Triomphe  had  been  in  existence,  it  would  have 
been  destroyed;  Mailhes,  who  was  the  first  to  vote 
for  the  death  of  Louis  XVI.,  and  Cambacdres,  who 
first  greeted  Napoleon  with  the  title  of  Emperor, 
hastened  to  express  their  allegiance  to  the  Provisional 
Government."  All  these  apostasies  plunged  the  Em- 
press into  despair. 

While  Marie  Louise  still  possessed  the  means,  and 
was  yet  uncertain  of  what  she  might  afterwards  be 
able  to  do,  she  desired  to  reward  the  fidelity  of  her 
household,  and  of  the  troops  who  had  loved  her.  She 
distributed  among  them  sums  amounting  to  two  hun- 
dred and  ninety-eight  thousand  francs.  Soon  after- 
wards every  one  left  her  to  seek  their  fortunes  else- 
where, and  thus,  as  M.  de  Me*neval  says,  was  dis- 
persed in  a  few  hours  the  Imperial  household,  which 
had  been  admired  as  an  admirable  organization. 

April  8,  Good  Friday,  between  eight  and  nine  in 
the  morning,  Joseph  and  Jerome  suddenly  appeared 
before  the  Empress  and  told  her  that  Blois  was  no 


232  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

longer  safe,  that  the  allied  troops  were  near,  that  at 
any  moment  she  and  her  son  might  fall  into  their 
hands,  and  that  consequently  it  was  of  the  utmost 
importance  to  retreat  from  the  Loire  and  establish 
the  seat  of  government  elsewhere.  The  carriages 
were  ready,  and  they  asked  Marie  Louise  to  take 
them  at  once  with  the  King  of  Rome. 

The  Empress,  still  trusting  in  her  father,  from 
whom  she  expected  a  speedy  reply  to  her  letters,  was 
anxious  to  place  herself  under  his  protection,  hence 
she  declined  this  invitation.  When  they  insisted,  she 
summoned  M.  de  Bausset,  to  whem  she  said,  u  Of  all 
the  officers  of  the  Emperor's  household  here,  you  are 
my  oldest  acquaintance,  for  I  knew  you  at  Braunau 
at  the  time  of  my  marriage.  ...  I  count  on  your 
devotion,  and  will  tell  you  what  is  going  on  here.  .  .  . 
My  two  brothers  and  their  archchancellor  are  there, 
in  that  room.  They  have  just  told  me  that  I  must 
leave  Blois  at  once,  and  that  if  I  resist,  they  will  have 
me  put  into  the  carriage  with  my  son."  "  May  I  ask 
Your  Majesty,"  he  replied,  "  what  is  your  wish  ?  "  — 
"  I  wish  to  remain  here  and  to  await  the  Emperor's 
instructions."  "If  such  is  your  desire,  Madame,  I 
venture  to  assure  Your  Majesty  that  all  the  officers 
of  your  household  and  of  your  guard  will  agree  with 
me  that  we  have  to  receive  orders  from  you  alone. 
I  beg  Your  Majesty's  permission  to  go  and  announce 
your  intentions."  —  "  Go,  please,  and  then  report  to 
me." 

The  Empress,  says   the   Baron   de   M^neval,  was 


THE  EMPBESS'S  ANGUISH.  233 

firm  in  her  resolution  not  to  leave  Blois.  Was  her 
resistance  due  to  her  mistrust  of  her  advisers,  or  to 
one  thought  which,  in  her  agitation,  completely  con- 
trolled her  ?  All  that  she  had  been  through  of  late 
had  completely  upset  her,  and  she  could  not  bear  to 
think  of  moving  again  and  of  facing  the  perils  of  a 
flight  to  which  she  could  see  no  end. 

Meanwhile,  the  first  persons  whom  M.  de  Bausset 
met  on  leaving  the  Empress's  room,  were  the  Count 
d'Haussonville,  Chamberlain,  and  General  Caffarelli, 
the  Emperor's  aide-de-camp,  the  military  commander 
of  the  palace.  "Still  affected  by  what  I  had  just 
heard,"  he  says  in  his  Memoirs, "  I  hastened  to  repeat 
it  to  them.  'That  cannot  be  tolerated,'  said  the 
Count  d'Haussonville,  impetuously.  With  those 
words  he  hastened  to  the  portico  of  the  palace,  where 
he  fell  down ;  but  that  did  not  prevent  his  shouting 
to  all  the  officers  of  the  guard  who  happened  to  be 
strolling  and  chatting  in  the  courtyard  while  waiting 
for  breakfast.  They  were  at  once  aroused,  and  all 
agreed  with  us,  and  expressed  a  very  warm  desire  to 
assure  the  Empress  of  their  fidelity  and  devotion.  I 
asked  them  for  a  few  moments  to  inform  the  Empress 
of  their  wishes,  and  went  into  the  inner  rooms,  ask- 
ing Her  Majesty  to  see  me  for  an  instant,  and  she 
kindly  came  at  once.  I  told  her  what  was  going  on, 
and  prepared  her  for  the  reception  of  this  mani- 
festation. The  Empress  asked  me  to  go  back  with 
her  into  the  drawing-room,  and  I  complied  with 
her  request.     'M.  de  Bausset,'  she  said,  'repeat  to 


234  THE  INVASION  OF  18 U. 

the  Princes  what  you  have  just  said  to  me.'  I  had 
the  honor  to  tell  the  Empress  that  the  officers  of  her 
household  and  those  of  her  guard,  having  heard  that 
it  was  intended  to  force  her  to  leave  Blois  against 
her  will,  had  declared  that  they  would  resist  this, 
since  they  took  their  orders  from  her  alone.  '  Repeat 
the  words  they  used,'  King  Joseph  said  to  me.  '  We 
must  know  just  what  their  feeling  is.'  '  Their  words 
would  not  be  agreeable,'  I  replied;  'besides,  the 
uproar  in  the  next  room  will  better  convey  them  to 
Your  Majesty.' 

"  The  words  were  hardly  out  of  my  mouth  when  the 
drawing-room  doors  were  noisily  burst  open,  and  all 
the  officers  expressed  simultaneously  and  enthusiasti- 
cally the  feelings  I  had  just  announced  in  their  name. 

" 4  You  must  stay,  Madame,'  said  Joseph,  with  great 
gentleness,  turning  towards  the  Empress.  '  My  propo- 
sition to  Your  Majesty  seemed  to  me  for  your  inter- 
est, but  since  you  decide  otherwise,  I  repeat,  you 
must  stay.'  Everything  resumed  its  usual  tranquil- 
lity, and  nothing  more  was  said  about  her  departure." 

M.  de  Bausset  adds  these  reflections:  "Various 
motives  have  been  ascribed  to  the  Princes,  who  per- 
haps hoped  to  prolong  an  unequal  contest  or  to 
secure  more  favorable  conditions.  It  is  at  least  cer- 
tain that  no  one  of  us  had  approved  the  departure 
from  Paris,  and  that  we  dreaded  the  consequences  of 
a  second  flight.  We  were  surrounded  on  all  sides. 
Whither  should  we  go?  .  .  .  Capture  was  inevi- 
table, hence  it  seemed  best  to  succumb  with  dignity. 


THE  EMPRESS'S  ANGUISH.  235 

In  this  circumstance  the  Empress  acted  alone,  with- 
out consulting  the  Council,  and  according  to  her  own 
feelings." 

The  drama  was  drawing  to  the  end  desired  by 
some,  feared  by  others.  The  same  day,  Good  Friday, 
April  8,1814,  the  Russian  General  Shouvaloff  reached 
Blois  at  2  p.m.,  and  took  up  his  quarters  at  the 
inn,  la  Gale  re.  This  officer,  an  aide  of  the  Emperor 
of  Russia,  was  accompanied  by  the  Baron  de  Saint 
Aignan,  Napoleon's  Master  of  the  Horse,  and  brother- 
in-law  of  the  Duke  of  Vicenza.  General  ShouvalofTs 
arrival  was  the  signal  for  the  departure  of  the  princi- 
pal personages  who  had  followed  the  Empress  to 
Blois.  He  announced  the  reason  of  his  coming, 
which  was  to  conduct  Marie  Louise  and  her  son  to 
Orleans. 

Every  one  went  to  the  mayor's  office  for  passports, 
which  then  had  to  be  signed  by  the  Russian  General. 
The  inn  at  which  he  was  staying  was  crowded  all 
day  long.  It  was  too  small  to  hold  the  applicants,  for 
every  one  wanted  to  leave,  and  without  delay.  Those 
who  could  secure  them,  carried  to  the  General  letters 
of  introduction ;  he  said  when  he  received  them  that 
he  was  full  of  regard  for  those  who  brought  them ; 
but,  his  time  being  so  short,  he  begged  them  to  wait 
or  to  come  again.  "  Most  of  the  Ministers  and  Coun- 
cillors of  State,"  says  the  Baron  de  Me*neval,  "left 
for  Paris.  I  saw  the  Minister  of  War,  who,  with  his 
usual  smile,  told  me  that  he  had  just  bidden  farewell 
to  his  former  colleague  (he  had  been  the  secretary 

1VERSITY  \ 


236  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

of  the  Cabinet),  and  had  given  him  a  letter  for  the 
Emperor,  in  which  he  took  leave  of  him :  he  added 
that  when  one  left  people,  it  should  be  done  politely ; 
that  he  had  to  give  an  account  of  the  state  of  the  war 
archives,  of  the  store  of  maps,  etc. ;  i  that  he  didn't 
want  to  pass  for  a  thief.'  " 

The  same  day  before  dinner,  the  Empress  sum- 
moned M.  de  Bausset,  and  said  to  him:  "Do  you 
want  to  do  me  another  favor?"  —  "Command  me, 
Madame ;  I  am  at  your  service."  "  Well,  you  will 
start  for  Paris  this  evening.  You  will  doubtless  find 
my  father  there,  and  you  will  give  him  a  letter  I  am 
going  to  write.  I  hope  to  go  there  too,  for  I  ought 
and  I  wish  to  be  with  him.  Make  your  preparations 
and  come  back  at  eight  this  evening  for  my  de- 
spatches." 

M.  de  Bausset  goes  on :  "I  punctually  observed 
the  Empress's  commands,  and  she  gave  me  two  let- 
ters. Then  I  went  to  Count  Shouvaloff,  whom  I  had 
known  very  well  at  Erfurt  during  the  interview  of 
1808.  I  found  his  rooms  filled  with  people  waiting 
to  get  their  passports  signed  for  their  return  to  Paris. 
It  must  be  said  the  higher  officials  regarded  their 
task  as  completed  as  soon  as  the  Commissioner  of  the 
Allied  Powers  arrived,  and  thought  themselves  free 
to  look  after  their  private  interests.  Count  Shouva- 
loff recognized  me,  and  came  up  to  me  in  a  most 
friendly  way.  We  chatted  together,  and  I  told  him 
the  commands  I  had  just  received,  asking  him  for  a 
passport  for  Paris  and  thence  to  Fontainebleau,  where 


TBE  EMPRESS'S  ANGUIS&.  237 

I  should  await  the  Empress.  The  Count  then  said 
to  me  in  a  low  tone,  that  the  Empress  was  not  going 
there,  and  that  it  was  decided  that  she  should  go  to 
Rambouillet  when  she  left  Orleans.  I  was  about  to 
withdraw,  but  I  became  myself  a  person  of  impor- 
tance. Count  ShouvalofFs  amiability  towards  me 
made  me  the  object  of  the  warmest  attention  on  the 
part  of  those  who  were  most  eager  to  leave." 

The  night  of  April  8  was  spent  by  the  Empress  and 
her  suite  in  preparing  for  the  departure  the  next  day. 
Early  the  next  morning  M.  de  Me*neval  called  upon 
her  and  found  her  very  uneasy  about  the  journey. 
She  had  the  crown  diamonds  brought  to  her,  but  she 
did  not  know  what  to  do  with  them.  She  was  aware 
that  she  would  encounter  bodies  of  Cossacks  and 
feared  that  her  carriages  would  be  plundered,  and  was 
inclined  to  wear  her  jewels,  being  confident  that  her 
person  would  be  respected.  There  remained  the  Im- 
perial sword,  in  which  the  famous  Regent  diamond 
had  been  set ;  the  blade  was  in  the  way  and  M.  de 
Me*neval  tried  to  break  it  off.  Since  he  had  no  con- 
venient tool,  he  broke  it  off  on  one  of  the  andirons, 
hid  the  handle  under  his  clothes  and  went  back  to 
his  carriage,  trembling  for  the  safety  of  his  precious 
burden.  It  was  ten  in  the  morning.  Marie  Louise, 
in  company  with  her  son,  Kings  Joseph  and  Jerome 
and  their  wives,  as  well  as  Madame  Bonaparte,  left 
Blois  and  took  the  road  to  Oiidans.  There  she  found 
a  double  row  of  spectators  lining  the  way,  who  gazed 
at  her  in  sullen  silence. 


XVIII. 

MARIE  LOUISE  AT   ORLEANS. 

WHEN  Marie  Louise  left  Blois  for  Orleans,  she 
was  still  escorted  by  cavalry  of  the  Imperial 
Guard.  The  only  disturbance  on  the  way  was  in  the 
outskirts  of  Beaugency,  where  the  appearance  of  three 
hundred  Cossacks  caused  some  confusion.  They 
plundered  the  last  carriages,  but  the  intervention  of 
one  of  General  ShouvalofFs  aides-de-camp  put  a  stop 
to  the  disorder,  and  everything  that  had  been  taken 
was  returned. 

On  her  arrival  at  Orleans,  the  Empress  was  still 
treated  as  a  sovereign.  She  entered  that  city,  Saturday, 
April  9,  at  6  p.m.,  and  was  met  by  the  civil  and  military 
authorities.  The  National  Guard  and  the  troops  of 
the  garrison  lined  both  sides  of  the  way  from  the 
city  gate  to  the  bishop's  palace,  where  she  lodged. 
She  was  greeted  with  cries  of  "  Long  live  the  Empe- 
ror and  Empress !  "  "I  was  filled  with  sadness," 
says  the  Duke  of  Rovigo,  "when  I  saw  the  city  of 
Orleans  filled  with  troops  ;  we  had  left  still  more  at 
Blois,  whither  the  supplies  had  been  withdrawn  from 
Versailles  and  Chartres.  .  .  .  Why  had  not  all 
238 


MARIE  LOUISE  AT  ORLEANS.  239 

these  been  added  to  the  corps  of  Marshals  Mortier 
and  Marmont  when  they  were  defending  Paris  ?  No 
other  reason  can  be  given  than  that  no  one  wished 
to  do  it ;  yet  there  were  certainly  more  than  twenty 
thousand  men.  Add  to  this  number  the  arsenal  of 
Paris,  and  it  is  plain  that  there  was  a  lack  of  either 
head  or  heart,  and  that  the  Emperor  was  ill-served  in 
this  respect." 

The  city  of  Orleans  was  in  a  strange  condition. 
After  its  gates  were  barricaded,  its  bridge  manned,  its 
walls  equipped  with  artillery,  it  was  suddenly  crowded 
with  the  remains  of  the  court,  of  the  government, 
and  of  the  army,  with  troops  of  every  branch  of  the 
service  who  arrived  without  officers,  and  with  officers 
who  arrived  without  troops.  The  proclamation  of 
the  Empress  Regent,  signed  at  Blois,  was  still  on  the 
walls,  but  the  Empire  had  vanished  while  the  Mon- 
archy had  not  yet  come.  There  was  a  sort  of  inter- 
regnum which  threw  a  cloud  over  the  next  day, 
Easter  Sunday,  April  10.  The  Domine  Salvum  fac 
imperatorem  was  not  sung,  but  neither  was  the  Domine 
Salvum  fac  regem. 

After  mass,  the  Empress  received  the  Duke  of  Ca- 
dore,  who,  as  we  have  said,  had  left  Blois  April  4, 
with  a  letter  from  Marie  Louise  for  the  Emperor  of 
Austria,  and  who  was  on  his  way  back.  The  Duke 
of  Cadore  had  been  able  to  find  Emperor  Francis  at 
Chanceaux,  near  Dijon,  whither  he  had  been  led  by 
Napoleon's  movement  on  Saint  Dizier;  he  had  not 
entered  Paris  with  the  Emperor  of  Russia  and  the 


240  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

King  of  Prussia.  His  daughter's  hope  that  he  could 
and  would  defend  her  and  her  son  against  the  hos- 
tility of  the  two  sovereigns  of  the  north  was  vain, 
and  the  answer  brought  by  the  Duke  of  Cadore  left 
her  but  little  hope.  The  Emperor  Francis,  while  he 
asserted  his  good  will  and  his  paternal  love,  expressed 
the  fear  that  his  allies  would  not  share  his  zeal  for  the 
rights  and  interests  of  his  daughter. 

Marie  Louise  was  then  still  devoted  to  her  hus- 
band. As  she  was  crossing  a  terrace  which  separated 
her  rooms  from  those  of  the  King  of  Rome,  she  sud- 
denly went  in  and  flung  herself  into  the  arms  of 
Madame  de  Montesquiou,  that  clever  and  affectionate 
woman  who  was  still  the  devoted  governess  of  the 
Prince  Imperial,  and  was  all  the  more  attached  to  the 
Empire  because  it  was  in  distress.  Marie  Louise 
knew  that  this  woman  would  give  only  generous  and 
noble  advice.  She  encouraged  her  in  her  desire  to 
join  Napoleon  at  Fontainebleau  as  soon  as  possible, 
but  urged  her  to  await  the  arrival  of  M.  de  Bausset, 
who  had  gone  on  with  letters  for  her  husband  and 
her  father. 

Then  there  occurred  at  Orleans  an  incident  as 
painful  for  the  Empress  as  it  was  disgraceful  for  the 
Provisional  Government.  When  Marie  Louise  left 
Paris,  she  took  with  her  what  was  left  of  Napoleon's 
personal  treasury,  consisting  of  eighteen  million 
francs,  and  gold  and  silver  ware.  There  were, 
besides,  the  crown  diamonds.  Of  these  eighteen 
millions,  what  was  left  of  the  Emperor's  personal  sav- 


MABIE  LOUISE  AT  OBLEANS.  241 

ings,  some  millions  had  been  sent  to  Fontainebleau 
to  pay  the  troops  or  for  the  expenses  of  headquarters, 
and,  by  Napoleon's  orders,  Marie  Louise  had  about 
two  millions  in  her  carriages,  for  her  own  use.  There 
remained  about  ten  millions  in  the  wagons  of  the 
fleeing  court.  The  Provisional  Government  was  in 
need  of  money,  and  it  conceived  the  notion  of  taking 
possession  of  these  treasures,  under  the  pretext  that 
they  were  the  property  of  the  state,  which  was  abso- 
lutely not  the  case.  For  making  this  seizure  there 
was  chosen  a  personal  enemy  of  the  Emperor,  M. 
Dudon,  whom  Napoleon  had  been  obliged  to  expel 
from  the  Council  of  State. 

M.  Dudon,  bearing  an  order  from  the  Provisional 
Government  dated  April  9,  went  to  Orleans  and 
seized  the  treasures.  Nothing  was  respected,  neither 
the  plate  which  was  the  Emperor's  personal  property, 
nor  the  snuff-boxes  and  diamond  rings  intended  for 
presents.  Napoleon's  clothing  and  linen,  even  his 
pocket  handkerchiefs  marked  with  N  and  a  crown, 
were  taken.  The  emissary  of  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment did  not  stop  there ;  he  seized  the  scanty  silver- 
ware intended  for  the  service  of  the  Empress  and  of 
the  King  of  Rome,  not  leaving  one  silver  dish;  so 
that  it  was  necessary  to  borrow  dishes  and  even  china 
from  the  bishop  in  whose  house  the  Empress  was 
staying,  for  the  two  days  she  spent  in  the  city.  Gen- 
eral Shouvaloff's  aide,  whose  interference  was  solic- 
ited in  vain,  did  not  oppose  the  execution  of  the 
order. 


242  THE  INVASION  OF  I8I4. 

The  crown  diamonds  were  given  up  with  scrupu- 
lous exactness  according  to  the  inventory.  "  There 
was  lacking,"  said  the  Duke  of  Rovigo,  "only  the 
Regent,  which  was  generally  kept  separate  on  account 
of  its  great  value,  and  the  ease  with  which  it  could 
be  taken.  No  one  knew  that  the  Empress  was  carry- 
ing in  a  workbag  the  handle  of  one  of  the  Emperor's 
swords  in  which  the  precious  jewel  was  set.  When 
she  was  told  what  was  going  on,  she  at  once  took  out 
the  Regent,  and  gave  it  up.  Her  own  private  dia- 
monds were  with  the  others ;  she  did  not  even  ask 
whether  they  had  been  taken." 

Easter  Monday,  April  11,  the  Empress  again  heard 
mass.  Then  she  bade  farewell  to  most  of  her  suite, 
who  were  about  to  leave  her  forever.  The  parting 
was  very  sad.  Marie  Louise  received  each  one  in 
turn,  and  gave  them  presents  of  rings  and  jewelry, 
begging  of  them  in  touching  language  not  to  forget 
her.  Her  face  was  bathed  with  tears.  A  moment 
afterwards,  all  those  who  had  left  her  came  back 
into  the  room.  They  had  heard  that  the  Empress 
had  been  called  to  the  throne  of  Parma,  and  they 
wanted  to  congratulate  her  !     A  final  irony  of  fate  ! 

The  next  day,  Marie  Louise  was  almost  alone  at 
Orleans.  The  bishop's  residence  bore  no  longer  any 
likeness  to  a  palace ;  only  two  or  three  ladies  were 
left  with  her  and  the  King  of  Rome.  Cambacerds 
had  not  got  so  far  as  Orleans  ;  at  Blois  he  had  taken 
the  road  to  Paris,  and  without  this  customary  adviser, 
the  dethroned  Empress  was  wholly  under  the  influ- 


MARIE  LOUISE  AT  ORLEANS.  243 

ence  of  her  maid  of  honor,  the  Duchess  of  Monte- 
bello,  who  desired  nothing  but  tranquillity.  Marie 
Louise's  anxieties  were  boundless.  The  report  that 
the  Emperor  wanted  to  kill  himself  came  to  her  ears. 
M.  Anatole  de  Montesquiou  came  to  the  palace  on 
his  way  from  Fontainebleau.  "  Well,"  asked  Madame 
de  Montebello,  "is  it  over?  Is  he  dead?"  —  "Who, 
Madame?  Of  whose  death  are  you  speaking?" 
"  Why,  of  the  Emperor's ;  it  was  said  that  he  had 
killed  himself."  —  "  No,  Madame,  he  is  not  dead ;  he 
is  in  the  best  of  health ;  could  you  believe  the  reports 
spread  by  his  enemies  ?  Here  is  a  letter  he  has  charged 
me  to  hand  to  the  Empress." 

An  active  correspondence  had  sprung  up  between 
the  Baron  de  Me'neval,  who  was  at  Orleans  with 
Marie  Louise,  and  Baron  Fain,  who  was  at  Fontaine- 
bleau with  Napoleon.  M.  Fain  had  sent  word  that 
every  letter  from  him  was  dictated  by  Napoleon,  from 
the  first  word  to  the  last.  A  letter  of  April  10  said 
that  according  to  letters  received  by  the  Emperor, 
Marie  Louise  seemed  determined  to  go-  to  see  her 
father.  "  But,"  it  went  on,  "  does  the  Empress  know 
where  her  father  is  ?  Yesterday  it  was  said  that  he 
was  to  be  at  Brie-Comte-Robert,  and  was  to  reach 
Paris  to-day ;  all  these  statements  are  very  vague. 
If  you  have  more  definite  information,  communicate 
it  to  us.  The  Emperor  expects  the  Duke  of  Vicenza 
to-night,  with  a  definite  decision  about  his  affairs. 
The  Emperor  desires  you  to  ascertain  the  Empress's 
real  wishes,  and  wants  to  know  whether  she  prefers 


244  THE  INVASION  OF  18 U. 

to  follow  the  Emperor  in  all  the  vicissitudes  of  his 
evil  fortune,  or  to  retire,  either  into  some  state  that 
shall  be  given  her,  or  to  her  father  with  her  son." 

M.  de  Meneval  replied  that  there  was  ground  for 
fearing  that  the  Empress  was  no  longer  free  to  go  to 
the  Emperor  ;  this  was  her  personal  desire,  he  added, 
but  she  still  trusted  in  her  father's  affection,  who,  she 
said,  would  never  consent  to  her  separation  from  her 
husband  and  son ;  she  felt  authorized  by  the  Empe- 
ror's express  desire  to  wait  the  result  of  her  proposals 
to  the  Emperor  of  Austria.  M.  de  M&ieval  said 
that  the  dread  of  being  stopped  on  the  way  might 
put  the  Empress  back,  and  that  the  idea  of  flight 
was  repugnant  to  her. 

In  a  letter  dated  April  11,  4  A.M.,  Baron  Fain  said: 
"  M.  de  Metternich  has  arrived  in  Paris,  but  he  seems 
no  more  favorably  disposed  than  M.  de  Schwarzen- 
berg.  The  Empress's  plan  to  go  to  see  her  father 
seems  consequently  suitable  to  the  Emperor ;  mean- 
while, it  is  not  known  in  Paris  where  the  Emperor  of 
Austria  is.  If  the  Empress  knows,  the  Emperor 
wants  her  to  tell  him  before  she  starts." 

In  another  letter,  dated  noon,  the  same  day,  the 
Emperor  made  Baron  Fain  say :  "  It  appears  that 
arrangements  were  signed  last  night  by  the  Duke  of 
Vicenza  and  the  Ministers  of  Russia,  Austria,  and 
England ;  the  island  of  Elba  is  given  to  the  Emperor ; 
Parma,  Piacenza,  and  Guastalla  to  the  Empress  and 
the  King  of  Rome.  It  would  still  be  well  for  the 
Empress  to  continue  to  urge  her  father  to  let  her 


MARIE  LOUISE  AT  ORLEANS.  245 

have  Tuscany,  or,  if  that  is  impossible,  to  add  to 
Parma  and  Piacenza,  the  territories  of  Lucca,  Pioni- 
bino,  Massa  di  Carrare,  and  what  is  enclosed  in  Pon- 
tremoli ;  in  this  way  the  Empress  would  be  in  com- 
munication with  Elba.  The  Emperor's  plan  would 
be,  when  affairs  are  once  settled,  to  go  to  Briare, 
where  the  Empress  might  join  him,  and  from  there 
they  might  continue  their  journey  by  Nevers,  Moulins, 
and  Mt.  Cenis  to  Parma.  The  Empress  and  the  King 
of  Rome  could  rest  at  Parma,  while  the  Emperor 
should  go  to  Elba  to  make  what  preparations  were 
necessary  for  the  Empress's  arrival.  It  is  stipulated 
in  the  treaty  that  every  Frenchman  who  shall  follow 
shall  preserve  his  rights  as  a  Frenchman  and  his 
property,  and  shall  be  free  to  return. 

"The  Emperor  thinks  the  Empress  should  write 
to  Madame  de  Bombers  to  find  out  whether  she  can 
come  to  look  after  the  education  of  the  King  of 
Rome,  since  it  appears  that  Madame  de  Montesquiou 
desires  to  return  to  Paris."  This  statement  was  in- 
exact :  M.  de  Me'neval  told  the  Emperor  that  Madame 
de  Montesquiou  had  never  expressed  any  intention 
of  returning  to  Paris,  and  that,  whatever  happened, 
she  was  determined  never  to  leave  her  charge,  unless 
he  should  be  forcibly  torn  from  her  arms. 

The  letter  went  on :  "  The  Empress  will  form  her 
household  anew  at  Parma  and  Piacenza,  where  there 
are  many  ladies  of  noble  family.  Since  the  Grand 
Marshal  goes  with  the  Emperor,  Countess  Bertrand 
will  accompany  the  Empress.     No  one  knows  where 


246  THE  INVASION  OF  1S14. 

the  Emperor  of  Austria  is ;  perhaps  he  will  arrange 
to  meet  his  daughter  on  her  way.  By  following  the 
route  mentioned  above,  there  will  be  no  large  cities 
to  pass  through  except  Lyons  and  Turin.  In  them 
she  might  sleep,  and  the  Empress  would  soon  be  in 
her  own  territory.  .  .  .  The  Emperor  is  very  well, 
and,  as  I  have  already  told  you,  his  health  is  not 
affected  by  his  moral  sufferings ;  he  hopes  to  hear 
that  the  Empress  is  becoming  consoled,  and  that  she 
expects  to  be  happy  in  the  humble  condition  to  which 
she  is  brought.  The  Emperor  is  glad  that  the  Em- 
press is  to  have  Parma  and  Piacenza,  because  her 
independence  is  thereby  assured,  and  she  will  have 
the  most  beautiful  country  in  the  world  to  live  in,  if 
she  grows  tired  of  the  rocks  of  Elba,  while  Elba  is 
a  retreat  that  can  suit  the  Emperor  alone,  who  no 
longer  wishes  to  rule  anywhere." 

Affectionate  as  these  letters  were,  they  brought 
Marie  Louise  no  consolation.  The  unhappy  Princess 
said  to  the  Duke  of  Rovigo :  "  I  am  really  to  be 
pitied !  Some  advise  me  to  go ;  others,  to  stay.  I 
write  to  the  Emperor,  and  he  does  not  answer  my 
questions.  He  tells  me  to  write  to  my  father;  but 
what  will  my  father  say  after  he  has  let  me  be  treated 
with  such  contumely?  I  am  abandoned,  and  I  com- 
mit myself  to  Providence.  It  advised  me  wisely 
when  it  counselled  me  to  become  a  canoness.  I 
should  have  done  better  not  to  come  to  this  country." 
Then  she  went  on,  her  voice  broken  by  sobs :  "Go  to 
the  Emperor?  .  .  .     But  I  can't  go  without  my  son, 


MARIE  LOUISE  AT  ORLEANS.  247 

who  is  only  safe  with  me.  .  .  .  On  the  other  hand, 
if  the  Emperor  fears  any  attack  on  his  life,  which  is 
very  probable,  and  has  to  take  to  flight,  the  embar- 
rassment I  should  cause  him  might  make  him  fall 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  who,  I  have  no  doubt, 
desire  his  death.  I  don't  know  what  to  do ;  I  am 
broken-hearted."  Her  face  was  covered  with  tears. 
Then  she  spoke  of  her  father,  whose  abandonment 
of  her  was  a  cruel  blow,  and  she  said,  with  touching 
modesty :  "  I  can  understand  that  the  people  should 
hate  me  in  this  country.  Yet  I  am  not  to  blame. 
Why  did  my  father  marry  me,  if  he  nourished  the 
plans  he  is  carrying  out?"  Marie  Louise's  com- 
plaints were  well  grounded.  Twice  had  her  father 
sacrificed  her  to  political  exigencies :  once  in  placing 
her  on  the  throne,  again  in  driving  her  from  it.  The 
gentle,  peaceful  young  Empress  was  not  born  to  face 
such  tempests,  and  her  character,  so  well  adapted  for 
tranquillity,  lacked  the  energy  and  firmness  necessary 
for  supporting,  without  trembling,  the  burden  of  such 
a  destiny. 


XIX. 

THE  ATTEMPT   AT   SUICIDE. 

WHAT  had  become  of  Napoleon  since,  on  the 
5th  of  April,  1814,  he  had  signed  his  abdica- 
tion, not  merely  for  himself,  but  for  his  heirs  ?  Re- 
maining at  Fontainebleau,  he  had  fallen  a  prey  to  the 
deepest  gloom.  Being  no  longer  either  Emperor  or 
commander-in-chief,  he  had  had  the  bitter  grief  of 
handing  over  the  command  to  Marshal  Berthier,  who 
gave  in  his  allegiance  to  the  Provisional  Government. 
Like  Charles  V.,  he  took  part  while  alive  in  his  own 
funeral  rites,  without  having,  like  him,  the  satisfac- 
tion of  seeing  his  own  son  reigning  and  his  country 
victorious.  Passing  suddenly  from  feverish  activity 
to  absolute  quiet,  this  untiring  man,  to  whom  rest 
was  torture,  felt  as  if  he  were  buried  alive.  His  im- 
agination was  ever  active  ;  he  already  repented  sign- 
ing his  abdication  and  wanted  to  withdraw  it.  False 
information  led  him  to  suppose  that  the  Emperor  of 
Austria  regretted  the  haste  with  which  the  other 
sovereigns  condemned  Marie  Louise  and  the  King  of 
Rome  in  favor  of  the  Bourbons,  and  he  still  nourished 
a  faint  hope  of  some  relief  from  the  projected  inter- 
248 


THE  ATTEMPT  AT  SUICIDE. 

view  between  the  Empress  and  her  father.  He 
thought  the  abdication  at  least  premature,  and  he 
blamed  himself  for  it  as  for  an  act  of  weakness.  The 
diplomatic  negotiations  he  had  entrusted  to  his  pleni- 
potentiaries seemed  to  him  humiliating  and  useless. 
Ought  he,  after  enjoying  such  greatness,  to  live  like 
a  private  person,  and  should  the  great  sacrifice  he  had 
made  for  the  world's  peace  be  mixed  up  with  pecun- 
iary arrangements?  "Of  what  use  is  a  treaty,"  he 
asked  himself,  "  when  no  one  will  settle  with  me  the 
interests  of  France  ?  The  moment  there  is  no  longer 
any  question  about  me,  there  is  no  need  of  a  treaty. 
I  am  conquered ;  I  yield  to  the  force  of  arms.  Only 
I  ask  not  to  be  a  prisoner  of  war,  and  to  grant  this, 
only  a  simple  cartel  is  required." 

The  Emperor's  face,  once  so  glowing  with  genius 
and  confidence  in  his  good  fortune,  grew  darker  every 
hour.  When  for  the  first  time  in  his  life  he  was  seen 
to  be  absolutely  discouraged,  it  began  to  be  wondered 
whether  he  might  not  be  thinking  of  suicide  in  his 
despair.  His  pistols  had  been  removed  and  unloaded 
by  the  Count  of  Turenne ;  and  when  the  next  day  he 
asked  for  them  impatiently,  and  complained  that 
they  were  empty,  it  became  clear  that  he  had  been 
wild  enough  to  think  of  using  them. 

Napoleon  appeared  to  have  abandoned  all  thoughts 
of  suicide  when,  in  the  morning  of  April  11,  the 
Baron  de  Bausset  arrived  at  Fontainebleau  with  a 
letter  from  Marie  Louise.  As  has  been  said,  this 
prefect  of  the   palace    had  been   sent   by  the  Em- 


250  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

press,  first  to  Paris  to  see  the  Emperor  of  Austria, 
and  thence  to  Fontainebleau  to  give  Napoleon  the 
news.  At  Paris,  M.  de  Bausset,  not  finding  the  Em- 
peror Francis,  had  been  compelled  to  see  Prince 
Metternich  in  his  stead,  and  he  had  been  informed 
that  Napoleon  was  to  have  the  island  of  Elba,  and 
Marie  Louise  the  Duchy  of  Parma.  As  soon  as  he 
had  heard  this,  M.  de  Bausset  started  for  Fontaine- 
bleau and  gave  the  Emperor  Marie  Louise's  letter. 

"  Dear  Louise  !  '*  said  the  Emperor,  after  he  had 
read  it.  Then  he  inquired  about  the  health  of  his 
wife  and  son.  "  I  found  the  Emperor  calm,  tranquil, 
and  decided,"  says  the  Baron,  in  his  Memoirs.  "  He 
had  a  well-tempered  soul.  Never,  perhaps,  did  he 
seem  greater.  I  spoke  to  him  about  the  island  of 
Elba.  He  knew  beforehand  that  he  was  to  be  given 
this  petty  sovereignty.  He  even  pointed  out  to  me 
a  little  geography  with  statistics  giving  him  all  the 
information  he  desired  on  this  place.  '  The  air  is 
healthy,'  he  said,  *  and  the  people  are  kindly.  I  shall 
not  be  too  badly  off  there,  and  I  hope  that  Marie 
Louise  will  find  it  comfortable.'  He  knew  all  the 
obstacles  in  the  way  of  their  meeting  at  Fontainebleau, 
but  he  hoped  that  once  in  possession  of  the  Duchy  of 
Parma,  the  Empress  would  be  permitted  to  go  with 
her  son  to  live  with  him  on  the  island  of  Elba.  ... 
He  was  deceived!  .  .  .  Never  again  was  he  to  see 
these  objects  of  his  affection." 

At  about  two  that  afternoon,  Napoleon  was  walk- 
ing on  the  terrace   by  the  side   of   the  Gallery  of 


THE  ATTEMPT  AT  SUICIDE.  251 

Francis  I.,  at  the  end  of  the  Courtyard  of  the  Foun- 
tain, when  he  sent  for  M.  de  Bausset  and  began  to 
talk  with  him  about  recent  events.  He  was  far  from 
approving  of  the  way  the  Empress  had  been  per- 
suaded to  leave  Paris,  when  the  Baron  reminded  him 
of  his  letter  to  King  Joseph.  "Circumstances  had 
altered,  and  required  to  be  met  differently.  The 
mere  presence  of  Louise  in  Paris  would  have  been 
enough  to  prevent  the  treachery  and  defection  of 
some  of  my  troops.  I  should  still  be  at  the  head  of 
a  formidable  army,  with  which  I  should  have  com- 
pelled the  enemy  to  leave  Paris  and  to  sign  an 
honorable  peace." 

Baron  de  Bausset  then  ventured  to  say  that  he 
regretted  that  the  Emperor  had  not  been  willing  to 
sign  this  peace  at  Chatillon.  "I  never  believed  in 
the  enemy's  good  faith,"  replied  Napoleon.  "  Every 
day  there  were  new  demands,  new  conditions;  they 
did  not  want  peace,  and  then  I  had  told  France  that 
I  should  never  consent  to  any  condition  which  I 
thought  humiliating,  even  with  the  enemy  on  the 
heights  of  Montmartre."  When  the  Baron  respect- 
fully suggested  that  France,  even  shorn  as  it  was, 
yet  was  one  of  the  finest  kingdoms  of  the  world, 
Napoleon  said  proudly:  "I  abdicate  and  cede  noth- 
ing." Then  he  added  :  "  See  what  fate  is !  At  the 
battle  of  Arcis-sur-Aube,  I  did  all  I  could  to  meet  a 
glorious  death,  disputing  the  soil  of  my  country  inch 
by  inch.  I  exposed  myself  incessantly.  The  bullets 
rained  about  me ;  my  clothes  were  torn  by  them,  and 


252  THE  INVASION  OF  I8I4. 

not  one  could  touch  me.  For  me  to  die  by  my  own 
hands  would  be  cowardice.  Suicide  does  not  agree 
with  my  principles  or  the  rank  I  hold  on  the  world's 
stage.     I  am  a  man  condemned  to  live." 

Then  Napoleon,  still  followed  by  the  Baron  de 
Bausset,  walked  up  and  down  the  terrace  several 
times,  in  a  deep,  gloomy  silence ;  this  he  broke  by 
saying  with  a  bitter  smile,  "  Between  ourselves,  they 
say  that  a  living  gudgeon  is  better  than  a  dead 
Emperor."  Then  he  returned  to  his  room  alone. 
M.  de  Bausset  was  never  to  see  him  again. 

The  next  day,  April  12,  Macdonald,  Caulaincourt, 
and  Shouvaloff,  an  aide-de-camp  of  the  Emperor 
Alexander,  arrived  at  Fontainebleau  with  the  treaty 
which  had  been  concluded  and  signed  the  day  before. 
"Are  jou  bringing  me  back  my  abdication  at  last?" 
asked  Napoleon  when  he  saw  Caulaincourt,  who 
replied  that  the  fundamental  basis  of  the  treaty  had 
naturally  been  the  abdication,  and  that  had  already 
been  officially  published.  "  What  do  I  care  for  this 
treaty?  "  resumed  Napoleon.  "  I  don't  want  to  recog- 
nize it;  I  don't  want  to  sign  it;  I  shall  not  sign  it." 
Caulaincourt  carefully  abstained  from  any  discussion 
with  the  fallen  Emperor,  and  let  him  sleep  upon  it. 

The  first  article  of  the  treaty  contained  the  abdica- 
tion; the  second  granted  to  Napoleon  and  Marie 
Louise  the  titles  of  Emperor  and  Empress ;  the  third 
confided  to  Napoleon  sovereignty  over  the  island  of 
Elba;  and  the  fifth  that  of  the  Duchies  of  Parma, 
Vicenza,  and  Guastalla   to   Marie  Louise  with   the 


THE  ATTEMPT  AT  SUICIDE.  253 

right  of  succession  to  her  son.  There  were,  besides, 
many  pecuniary  stipulations :  an  annual  payment  of 
two  million  francs  to  Napoleon ;  one  million  to  Jose- 
phine ;  three  hundred  thousand  to  his  mother ;  five 
hundred  thousand  to  King  Joseph ;  two  hundred 
thousand  to  Louis  ;  four  hundred  thousand  to  Queen 
Hortense  and  her  children ;  three  hundred  thousand 
to  Princess  Pauline.  Two  millions  were 'placed  at 
the  Emperor's  disposal  for  gifts,  a  sort  of  legacy  to 
be  granted  during  the  testator's  lifetime.  The  treaty 
also  permitted  Napoleon  to  take  with  him  and  to 
keep  as  his  guard  four  hundred  volunteers,  officers, 
non-commissioned  officers,  and  men. 

This  treaty  of  April  11,  which  the  Allies  regarded 
as  the  height  of  generosity,  seemed  to  Napoleon  the 
lowest  depth  of  humiliation.  After  signing  the 
treaties  of  Campo  Formio,  of  Luneville,  of  Vienna, 
of  Tilsit,  of  Presburg,  to  have  to  put  his  name  to  this 
miserable  paper ;  after  possessing  an  empire  vaster 
than  Charlemagne,  to  have  to  content  himself  with 
the  ridiculous  sovereignty  of  Elba ;  after  leading  the 
largest  armies  in  the  world,  to  command  a  petty  bat- 
talion of  four  hundred ;  to  have  to  accept  alms  from 
his  conquerors  for  himself  and  his  people,  was  a  bit- 
ter and  torturing  disgrace.  Then  to  leave  France 
smaller  than  he  had  found  it;  to  lose  not  only  all 
the  conquests  of  the  Empire,  but  also  those  of  the 
Republic ;  to  have  even  the  tricolored  flag  abolished, 
—  all  these  things  were  cruel !  And  then  to  have 
to  sign  such  a  treaty  at  the  very  moment  when  the 


254  THE  INVASION  OF  18 U. 

Count  d'Artois,  the  brother  of  Louis  XVI.,  was 
entering  the  Tuileries  in  triumph  ! 

Napoleon  thought  that  death,  that  suicide,  was 
preferable  to  the  shame  of  signing  so  terrible  and  so 
disgraceful  a  treaty.  At  about  six  in  the  afternoon, 
in  his  talk,  he  brought  up  some  of  the  memorable 
deaths,  by  their  own  hands,  of  the  great  men  of  antiq- 
uity in  similar  circumstances,  and  thus  aroused  the 
apprehensions  of  those  who  heard  him.  However, 
he  went  to  bed  quietly  at  about  ten  o'clock,  and  fell 
asleep.  About  midnight  he  called  Hubert,  his  valet, 
who  used  to  sleep  in  front  of  his  door.  "  Come, 
Hubert,"  he  said  gently,  "  let  us  have  a  little  fire," 
and  the  two  men  built  it  up  again.  Then  Napo- 
leon bade  his  valet  to  go  to  rest.  Then,  after 
writing  a  few  words  on  a  piece  of  paper,  which  he 
crumpled,  tore  up,  and  threw  in  the  fire,  he  went  to 
the  bureau  and  opened  a  dressing-case,  in  which  was 
a  little  black  bag. 

Napoleon  had  worn  that  bag  during  the  retreat 
from  Russia  after  the  battle  of  Malo  Jaroslavitz. 
When  the  sudden  attack  of  the  Cossacks  took  place, 
in  which  he  narrowly  escaped  being  taken  prisoner, 
he  determined  always  to  carry  poison  about  him,  that 
he  might  not  fall  into  the  enemy's  hands  alive. 
Hence  he  had  ordered  Yvan,  his  surgeon,  to  put  into 
the  bag  a  poison  formerly  mentioned  by  Cabanis,  the 
same  which  Condorcet  had  killed  himself  with.  This 
poison  the  Emperor  took,  to  escape  his  troubles,  in 
the  night  of  April  12,  when  in  the  deepest  despair. 


THE  ATTEMPT  AT  SUICIDE.  255 

Hubert,  who  was  watching  him  through  the  crack  of 
the  door,  saw  his  master  put  something  into  a  glass 
of  water,  drink  it,  and  go  back  to  bed.  Since,  how- 
ever, he  knew  nothing  about  the  existence  of  any 
poison,  he  fancied  that  Napoleon  was  drinking  noth- 
ing but  a  glass  of  sugar  and  water.  Still,  he  felt 
anxious,  and  listened  for  nearly  half  an  hour. 

Napoleon  was  surprised  to  be  still  living.  Instead 
of  dying  at  once,  as  he  expected,  he  was  seized  with 
spasms,  and  suffered  frightfully.  He  sent  for  Dr. 
Yvan,  doubtless  to  ask  for  another  dose  to  hasten  the 
death  he  longed  for.  Then  Hubert,  still  more  un- 
easy, heard  a  violent  quarrel  between  the  Emperor 
and  his  surgeon.  Yvan  firmly  and  indignantly  re- 
fused to  be  an  accomplice  to  the  suicide.  "You 
would,"  he  cried,  "make  me  seem  a  poisoner,  an 
assassin,  in  the  pay  of  your  enemies.  No  !  I  will  not 
do  it ! "  The  Emperor,  who  had  caused  the  death  of 
so  many  men,  could  not  compass  his  own.  Yvan 
gave  him  emetics,  and  then,  still  afraid  that  his 
patient  might  die,  and  distracted  by  the  thought  that 
he  might  himself  be  charged  with  murder,  he  lost  his 
head,  rushed  from  the  room,  ran  down  the  stairs  to 
the  courtyard;  there  he  found  a  horse  fastened  to 
the  gate ;  he  sprang  on  its  back  and  galloped  away. 

Meanwhile,  the  silence  of  the  long  corridors  of 
the  palace  was  broken  by  much  coming  and  going ; 
servants  swarmed  on  the  staircases ;  candles  were  lit. 
Grand  Marshal  Bertrand,  the  Duke  of  Vicenza,  the 
Duke  of  Bassano,  were  aroused,  and  they  hastened 


256  THE  INVASION   OF  18 U. 

to  the  Emperor's  bedroom.  "  Everything  has  be- 
trayed me,"  he  said  to  them ;  "lam  condemned  to 
go  on  living."  Then  he  fell  into  a  stupor  which 
lasted  several  hours. 

"  God  did  not  permit  Napoleon  to  triumph,"  says 
M.  Veuillot ;  "  he  deigned  to  punish  him.  God  did 
not  wish  that  he  should  satiate  himself  with  success, 
like  those  men  from  whom  an  avenging  prosperity 
expels  any  thought  of  remorse.  He  punished  him, 
making  him  descend,  perhaps  I  should  better  say 
rise,  to  the  human  conditions ;  he  woke  him  from  the 
intoxication  of  fortune,  from  forgetfulness  of  the  last 
hour,  and  gave  him  time  for  the  final  battle,  in  which 
every  man  meets  face  to  face  the  only  enemy  by 
whom  it  is  important  not  to  be  definitely  conquered." 

To  have  died  before  the  expiation  of  Saint  Helena 
would  have  been  for  Napoleon  the  renunciation  of 
the  noblest  crown,  —  that  of  martyrdom.  The  great 
man  needed  the  purification  of  long  sufferings.  For 
his  soul,  so  long  the  slave  of  passions,  to  become 
free,  his  body  had  to  be  captive.  If  we  look  at  things 
from  the  Christian's  standpoint,  thinking  of  eternity, 
it  was  his  jailors  who  were  to  be  his  liberators.  At 
Fontainebleau  he  had  not  been  defeated  enough.  He 
had  not  drunk  the  bitter  chalice  to  the  dregs.  He 
needed  one  more  final  defeat,  —  that  of  Waterloo. 
He  needed  meditation  and  remorse  on  the  wave- 
beaten  rocks.  He  needed  the  dialogue  between  his 
stormy  thought  and  the  murmur  of  the  ocean.  There 
it  was  that  he  at  last  was  to  attain  real  greatness, 


THE  ATTEMPT  AT  SUICIDE.  257 

where  he  was  to  deserve  a  glance  from  the  God  of 
pity;  there  that,  after  enduring  nobly  one  of  the 
most  pathetic  and  grand  expiations  known  to  history, 
he  was  to  utter  those  ever-memorable  words :  "  Not 
every  one  who  wishes  can  be  an  atheist." 


XX. 

THE  LAST  WEEK  AT  FONT  AINEBLE  AIT. 

"ATAPOLEON  became  reconciled  to  living.  When 
_1_M  he  awoke  in  the  morning  of  April  13,  he  was 
ashamed  of  having  wished  to  kill  himself,  and  bade 
his  people  maintain  an  absolute  silence  about  the 
attempt.  A  violent  perspiration,  and  some  hours  of 
sleep,  had  carried  him  through  the  crisis,  but  he  was 
still  weak  and  dejected.  At  ten  in  the  morning, 
when  Macdonald  called  to  pay  his  respects,  he  was 
seated  by  the  fire,  with  his  head  sunk  in  his  hands, 
which  wholly  covered  his  face.  He  remained  in  that 
position,  without  speaking  or  moving,  for  half  an 
hour ;  at  last  he  noticed  that  the  Marshal  was  there. 
"  I  am  grateful  to  you,"  he  said,  "  for  the  trouble  you 
have  taken  about  my  last  interests,  and  I  am  sorry 
that  I  can  express  my  gratitude  by  words  alone." 
"  In  no  case,"  answered  Macdonald,  "  should  I  have 
accepted  any  other  reward.  Trouble  of  that  sort  is 
its  own  reward."  "  Well,"  said  the  Emperor,  "  I  am 
going  to  offer  you  a  proof  of  my  gratitude  which 
even  your  delicacy  will  not  refuse."  Then  he  had  a 
Turkish  sabre  brought,  which  he  gave  to  the  Marshal, 
258 


THE  LAST   WEEK  AT  FONTAINEBLEAU.      259 

saying,  "  This  is  Murad  Bey's  sabre.  I  won  it  at  the 
battle  of  Mount  Tabor.  It  shall  be  a  souvenir  from 
me  to  you." 

Napoleon's  face,  which  in  the  morning  had  been  of 
a  ghastly  pallor,  regained  color  during  the  day.  He 
grew  completely  calm,  and  affixed  his  signature  to 
the  treaty  which,  the  night  before,  had  rilled  him  with 
such  mortal  anguish.  "  God  does  not  want  me  to 
die,"  he  said,  and  complete  resignation  succeeded  to 
his  previous  agitation.  Possibly  a  ray  of  hope  arose 
within  him ;  possibly  he  thought  that  the  Allies  were 
very  imprudent  in  giving  him  a  residence  so  near  his 
former  Empire ;  possibly  he  foresaw  the  blunders  of 
the  Bourbons,  and  his  own  triumphal  return  to  the 
Tuileries. 

However,  in  April,  1814,  such  a  dream  would  have 
seemed  most  improbable.  Never  was  a  fallen  sov- 
ereign pursued  with  bitterer  insults  and  curses  than 
Napoleon.  With  a  few  noble  exceptions,  all  his  old 
servitors  left  him.  Berthier,  on  whom  he  had  heaped 
so  many  favors ;  Berthier,  his  Major-General,  his 
intimate,  with  whom  he  shared  his  tent,  left  Fon- 
tainebleau  promising  to  be  back  the  next  day.  "  He 
won't  come  back,"  the  Emperor  said  coldly  to  the 
Duke  of  Bassano.  "What,  Sire,  this  is  Berthier's 
farewell?  " —  "  Yes  ;  I  tell  you  he  won't  come  back." 
Every  moment  there  was  a  new  departure ;  one  left 
on  account  of  his  health ;  another,  for  some  family 
reason ;  every  one  promised  to  return,  but  no  one 
appeared  again.     Fontainebleau  had  become  a  waste, 


260  THE  INVASION  OF  I8I4. 

a  city  of  the  dead ;  and  Napoleon,  gloomy,  silent,  and 
solitary,  bore  more  likeness  to  a  monk  in  a  cloister 
than  to  a  sovereign-  in  a  palace. 

"  Napoleon  already  is  nothing  bnt  a  common  man," 
says  Baron  Fain,  who  witnessed  his  hours  of  de- 
spondency. "  He  lives  retired  in  a  corner  of  the 
palace.  If  he  leaves  his  room  for  a  few  minutes,  it  is 
to  walk  in  the  little  garden -(the  Garden  of  Diana). 
Whenever  he  hears  a  carriage  drive  into  the  court- 
yard, he  asks  if  it  is  not  Berthier  coming  back,  or 
one  of  his  former  ministers  come  to  take  leave.  He 
expects  to  see  Mole*,  Fontanes,  and  the  many  others 
who  owe  him  a  last  expression  of  devotion ;  but  no 
one  comes." 

When  he  went  back-to  his  room,  Napoleon  used  to 
read  all  the  Paris  newspapers,  which  were  full  of 
venomous  hatred.  Their  frantic  attacks,  the  storm 
of  insult  and  abuse,  did  not  move  him ;  and  when 
their  inventions  became  absurd,  he  would  only  smile. 

The  devotion  of  the  brave  soldiers  who  remained 
faithful  consoled  him  for  the  many  apostasies.  They 
used  to  walk  about  the  walls  and  gardens  of  .  the 
palace  trying  to  see  through  the  railings  the  man 
whom  they  still  idolized.  When  he  was  strolling  in 
the  Garden  of  Diana,  they  at  every  moment  brought 
up  non-commissioned  officers  and  men  of  the  Imperial 
Guard  who  begged  to  be  allowed  to  join  his  battalion ; 
and  they  who  had  never  asked  for  reward  or  promo- 
tion now  asked  for  exile.  Lamartine  says  :  "  Great 
affections  come  from  the  masses,  because  they  come 


THE  LAST   WEEK  AT  FONTAINEBLEAU.      261 

from  nature.  Nature  is  magnanimous ;  courts  are 
selfish ;  favor  corrupts." 

There  were  in  the  higher  ranks  some  noble  exam- 
ples of  disinterested  attachment.  There  was  the 
Duke  of  Vicenza,  who,  with  his  usual  energy,  was 
making  all  the  preparations  for  departure  as  if  he 
were  still  Grand  Master  of  the  Horse ;  and  the  Duke 
of  Bassano,  of  whom  Baron  Fain  says :  "  He  never 
leaves  Napoleon  for  a  moment.  The  Emperor,  when 
he  opens  his  heart  to  this  Minister,  in  whom  he  has 
the  utmost  confidence,  shows  the  same  inward  seren- 
ity that  used  to  appear  on  his  face  in  his  happiest 
days.  To  see  this  Minister's  manners,  one  would 
never  believe  that  those  days  are  gone ;  there  is  the 
same  simplicity  in  his  attentions  and  consideration. 
Duty  and  love  are  manifest  in  them ;  and  if  they 
sometimes  become  touching  and  almost  formal,  it  is 
because  they  come  from  a  brave  and  sympathetic 
nature."  Napoleon  was  always  touched  by  the 
zealous  affections  of  this  loyal  servant.  "  Bassano," 
he  said  to  him,  "  they  say  you  prevented  my  making 
peace.  What  do  you  say  to  that?  This  charge 
ought  to  make  you  smile,  like  those  they  bring 
against  me  nowadays." 

General  Bertrand,  who  was  to  discharge  the  duties 
of  Grand  Marshal  of  the  Palace,  not  merely  at  Elba, 
but  also  at  Saint  Helena,  stands  forth  as  a  living 
image  of  fidelity.  As  for  General  Drouot,  the  Sage 
of  the  Grand  Army,  as  Napoleon  used  to  call  him,  he 
was  to  immortalize  himself  by  his  devotion  to  his  un- 


262  THE  INVASION   OF  1814. 

happy  sovereign.  Lacordaire,  in  his  funeral  oration 
on  this  eminently  virtuous  man,  said:  a  The  fall  of 
the  Empire,  by  setting  General  Drouot  face  to  face 
with  misfortune,  has  left  him  famous  in  a  rare  way. 
He  loved  the  Empire  and  the  Emperor  with  a  chival- 
rous affection :  the  Empire,  because  he  thought  it  the 
highest  pitch  of  greatness  which  France  had  attained 
since  Charlemagne  ;  the  Emperor,  because  he  spent 
with  him  two  years  of  suffering  and  defeat,  and  had 
perceived  the  man's  heart  under  the  monarch's  trap- 
pings and  the  conqueror's  pride.  The  fall  of  those 
two  giants,  the  Emperor  and  the  Empire,  was  for 
him  a  blow  which  we  can  scarcely  comprehend,  so 
remote  are  we  from  the  events,  and  acquainted  with 
them  only  through  reading  the  pallid  story  on  the 
cold,  and  often  heartless,  page.  But  those  who  put 
into  that  magnificent  work  twenty  years  of  their  toil 
and  of  their  hearts'  blood,  those  who  grew  old  on 
the  battle-field  between  glory  and  death,  ever  present 
and  ever  mingling,  and  who,  in  raising  France,  be- 
lieved that  they  served  a  patriotic  and  just  cause, 
they  must  have  known,  when  their  work  crumbled, 
an  anguish  which  we  can  neither  describe  nor  feel." 

General  Drouot  was  to  be  the  governor  of  this 
island  of  Elba.  At  Fontainebleau,  a  few  days  before 
they  started  thither,  Napoleon  asked  the  General 
how  rich  he  was,  and  when  he  answered  that  he  had 
about  two  thousand  five  hundred  francs  a  year, 
Napoleon  said,  "That  is  too  little;  no  one  knows 
what    may  happen.     I    don't  want  you   to  come  to 


TIIE  LAST  WEEK  AT  FONTAINEBLEAU.      263 

want   after  my  time ;  I  am  going  to  give  you  two 

hundred  thousand  francs."     Drouot  declined  them; 

but  seeing  that  the   Emperor  was  pained,  he  said: 

"  If  Your  Majesty  were  to  give  me  the  money  now, 

people   would  say  that  the   Emperor   Napoleon,  in 

adversity,   had  only  friends  whom  he   bought,  and 

that  I  followed  Your  Majesty  because  I  was  paid  for 

so   doing."      Drouot   reminds   us   of    Shakespeare's 

words :  — 

"  Yet  he  that  can  endure 
To  follow  with  allegiance  a  fall'n  lord 
Does  conquer  him  that  did  his  master  conquer." 

(Antony  and  Cleopatra,  Act  III.,  sc.  xiii.) 

Napoleon  was  more  and  more  touched  by  the  marks 
of  devotion  he  received  from  so  many  officers  and 
men. 

He  received  Colonel  de  Montholon,  who  had  just 
been  making  a  reconnoissance  on  the  upper  Loire,  and 
who  told  him  that  he  could  count  on  the  people  of 
the  South  and  collect  their  troops.  "  It  is  too  late," 
answered  Napoleon;  "that  now  would  mean  civil 
war,  and  nothing  could  ever  persuade  me  to  try 
that."  April  18,  the  four  foreign  commissioners  who 
were  to  accompany  Napoleon  on  his  journey  and 
be  responsible  for  his  safety,  met  at  the  Palace  of 
Fontainebleau.  They  were  the  Russian  General 
Shouvaloff,  the  Austrian  General  Roller,  the  English 
Colonel  Campbell,  and  the  Prussian  General  Turch- 
sess.     The  20th  was  fixed  upon  for  the  start. 

Napoleon    had   not  then  begun   to   doubt   Marie 


264  THE  INVASION  OF  1814* 

Louise,  whom  he  regarded  as  a  victim,  not  an  accom- 
plice of  the  Coalition.  He  knew  that  she  had  just 
seen  her  father  at  Rambouillet,  and  felt  sure  that  she 
had  expressed  only  the  noblest  feelings.  He  still 
hoped  to  see  her  soon,  and  so  far  from  uttering  any 
reproaches,  he  wrote  to  her  affectionate  letters  like 
the  following,  which  is  without  date,  though  presum- 
ably written  April  19 :  — 

"My  dear  Louise:  I  have  received  your  letter, 
and  I  learn  all  your  sufferings,  which  add  to  my  own. 
I  am  glad  to  hear  that  Corvisart  encourages  you ;  I 
am  most  grateful  to  him;  he  confirms  the  good 
opinion  I  have  always  had  of  him ;  tell  him  so  from 
me.  Let  him  send  me  frequent  word  how  you  are. 
Try  to  go  at  once  to  Aix,  as  I  hear  Corvisart  advises. 

Keep  well  for and  for  your  son,  who  needs  your 

care.  I  am  about  starting  for  Elba,  and  will  write 
to  you  from  there.  I  shall  make  every  preparation 
for  receiving  you.  Write  often ;  direct  your  letters 
to  the  Viceroy  and  to  your  uncle,  if,  as  I  hear,  he 
has  been  made  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany.  Good  by, 
my  dear  Louise  Marie." 

The  very  day  he  started  from  Fontainebleau  for 
Elba,  April  20,  1814,  he  wrote  this  letter  to  his 
wife :  — 

"  My  Dear  :  I  am  leaving  to  rest  to-night  at  Briare. 
To-morrow  morning  I  shall  push  on  to  Saint  Tropez. 
Bausset,  who  will  hand  you  this  letter,  will  bring  me 
news  of  you,  and  will  tell  you  I  am  well.  I  hope 
that   )^ou   will  get   better   and   be    able  to  join  me. 


THE  LAST   WEEK  AT  FONTAINEBLEAU.      265 

Montesquiou,  who  left  at  2  a.m.,  ought  to  be  with 
you.  I  did  not  hear  from  you  yesterday,  but  I  hope 
that  the  Prefect  of  the  Palace  will  join  me  this 
evening  and  will  give  me  news  of  you.  Good  by, 
my  dear  Louise.  You  can  always  count  on  the 
courage,  the  calmness,  and  the  friendship  of  your 
husband,  Napoleon.     A  kiss  to  the  little  King." 

These  two  letters  make  it  clear  he  was  still  far  from 
suspecting  Marie  Louise  of  ungrateful  desertion. 
They  show  that  when  leaving  Fontainebleau  he  still 
thought  of  his  wife,  whom  then  he  had  no  reason  for 
blaming;  that  he  looked  upon  her  as  a  model  of 
gentleness  and  kindness,  of  religion  and  virtue,  and 
that  in  good  or  evil  fortune  he  was  still  proud  of 
being  her  husband. 


XXI. 

THE  LEAVE-TAKING  AT  FONTAINEBLEAU. 

HISTORY  and  legend  mingle  around  Napoleon. 
Events  of  which  people  still  living  were  eye- 
witnesses appear  to  us  in  such  epic  proportions,  in 
such  grandeur,  that  they  seem  to  carry  us  back  to  dis- 
tant ages.  Napoleon  has  the  air  of  a  hero  of  anti- 
quity, and  the  veterans  of  his  Imperial  Guard  seem 
as  remote  as  Caesar's  soldiers  or  the  knights  of 
Charlemagne.  The  leave-taking  at  Fontainebleau,  the 
Courtyard  of  the  White  Horse,  the  Emperor,  the 
grenadiers  of  the  Old  Guard,  form  a  wonderful  drama, 
set  in  a  wonderful  stage,  and  with  what  brilliant 
characters !  This  dramatic  scene  was  taken  by  Be*- 
ranger  for  the  subject  of  one  of  his  most  famous 
songs,  —  Les  Deua>  Grenadiers,  —  which  represents 
two  soldiers  talking  together  at  the  last  midnight 
before  Napoleon's  departure. 

In  that  sad  night  Napoleon  was  thinking  of  poster- 
ity, and  he  devised  a  way  to  lend  a  poetic  interest  to 
his  departure  for  his  parody  of  a  kingdom  at  Elba, 
given  him  in  exchange  for  the  most  magnificent  em- 
pire in  the  world.  And  so  well  did  he  understand 
266 


THE  LEAVE-TAKING  AT  FONTAINEBLEAU.      267 

the  art  of  striking  the  popular  imagination,  that  this 
melancholy  incident  will,  perhaps,  make  a  deeper 
impression  on  future  generations  than  all  his  tri- 
umphal entrances  into  the  great  capitals  of  Europe. 

In  the  early  morning  of  April  20,  all  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Fontainebleau  had  gathered  to  witness  the 
memorable  scene,  crowding  to  the  railing  around  the 
Courtyard  of  the  White  Horse,  where  it  was  to  take 
place.  In  this  courtyard  the  Old  Guard  was  drawn 
up.  At  noon  the  carriages  had  driven  up  to  the  foot 
of  the  Horseshoe  Staircase,  and  General  Bertrand  had 
gone  in  to  tell  Napoleon  that  everything  was  ready. 
Napoleon  came  out  of  his  room  into  the  Gallery  of 
Francis  I.  There  were  assembled  the  few  surviving 
relics  of  his  once  brilliant  court,  —  the  Duke  of  Bas- 
sano,  General  Belliard,  Colonel  de  BussS,  Colonel 
Anatole  de  Montesquiou,  Count  Turenne,  General 
Fouler,  the  Baron  of  Mesgrigny,  Colonel  Gourgaud, 
Baron  Fain,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Athalin,  Baron  de 
la  Place,  Baron  Leborgne  d'Ideville,  General  Kosa- 
kovski,  Colonel  Vonsovitch.  He  replied  to  their 
tears  by  a  grasp  of  the  hand,  a  glance,  and  with- 
out saying  a  word,  passed  through  the  gallery  and 
vestibule,  and  walked  down  the  Horseshoe  Staircase 
with  a  firm,  swift  step.  As  Lamartine  says :  "  The 
troops  expressed  a  more  solemn  and  religious  feeling 
than  cheers  could  express,  —  the  honor,  namely,  of 
their  fidelity,  even  in  the  darkest  days,  and  the  set- 
ting of  the  glory  now  about  to  sink  behind  the  forest 
trees,  behind  the  waves  of  the  Mediterranean.     They 


268  THE  INVASION  OF  I8I4. 

envied  those  of  their  companions  to  whom  fortune 
had  accorded  exile  in  his  island  with  their  Emperor." 
The  Allies  had  permitted  him  to  take  with  him  but  a 
single  battalion,  which  was  to  be  all  he  needed  for 
conquering  his  throne.  The  men  of  the  Old  Guard 
had  been  asked  how  many  would  like  to  follow  him, 
and  all,  without  exception,  offered  themselves.  Only 
four  hundred  were  chosen.  They  were  not  in  the 
courtyard,  but  were  already  on  their  way.  Napoleon 
was  at  the  foot  of  the  staircase ;  the  drums  beat  a 
salute.  Why  were  they  not  draped  in  mourning? 
This  was,  in  truth,  the  funeral  of  the  Emperor,  of 
the  Empire,  of  the  army.  Their  noise  alone  broke 
the  silence.  The  soldiers  were  silent  and  gloomy. 
Napoleon  made  a  sign  that  he  wished  to  speak  to 
them.  The  drums  stopped  beating;  all  seemed  to 
hold  their  breath. 

"  Soldiers  of  the  Old  Guard,"  the  Emperor  began, 
"I  say  good  by  to  you.  For  twenty  years  I  have 
ever  found  you  on  the  path  to  honor  and  to  glory. 
In  these  last  days,  as  in  those  of  our  prosperity,  you 
have  never  ceased  to  be  models  of  bravery  and  fidel- 
ity. With  men  like  you  our  cause  was  not  lost ;  but 
if  it  had  no  end,  the  war  would  have  been  a  civil 
one,  and  France  would  have  been  only  more  unhappy. 
Hence  I  sacrificed  my  interests  to  those  of  my  coun- 
try, and  I  leave.  Do  you,  my  friends,  continue  to 
serve  France.  Its  happiness  will  be  my  only  thought 
—  the  sole  object  of  my  prayers.  Do  not  mqurn  my 
lot.     If  I  have  consented  to  outlive  myself,  it  is  in 


THE  LEAVE-TAKING  AT  FONTAINEBLEAU.      269 

order  yet  to  serve  your  glory.  I  wish  to  record  the 
great  deeds  we  have  done  together."  Here  Napo- 
leon's voice  broke.  He  gave  way  to  his  emotion  for 
a  moment,  and  then  went  on :  "  Good  by,  good  by,  my 
children.  I  should  like  to  press  you  all  to  my  heart. 
Let  me  at  least  kiss  your  flag ! "  At  these  words, 
General  Petit,  a  man  as  modest  as  he  was  brave, 
seized  the  flag,  and  stepped  forward.  Napoleon 
embraced  the  General  and  kissed  the  eagle  of  the 
standard.  Then  nothing  was  to  be  heard  for  a  few 
minutes  but  half-suppressed  sobs,  and  the  old  grena- 
diers were  seen  wiping  the  tears  from  their  weather- 
beaten  faces.  Napoleon,  who  was  deeply  affected, 
controlled  himself  by  a  mighty  effort,  raised  his  head, 
and  in  a  firmer  voice  called  out :  "  Good  by,  once 
more,  good  by,  my  old  companions.  Let  this  last 
kiss  pass  into  your  hearts  ! "  Then  he  tore  himself 
away  from  those  about  him,  and  covering  his  face 
with  his  hands,  sprang  into  his  carriage,  which  at 
once  started  on  the  first  stage  of  his  exile. 

"  What  more  shall  I  say  ?  "  asks  General  de  Se*gur, 
in  his  Memoirs.  "  The  Grand  Army,  the  Empire,  the 
Emperor,  all  was  over !  The  Genius  that  had  sup- 
ported me  vanished  with  Napoleon.  Now  that  I 
have  come  to  this  end  of  so  much  greatness,  it  seems 
to  me  that  my  literary  life  is  over,  as  was  our  military 
career ;  that  there  was  no  more  history  for  the  histo- 
rian as  there  was  no  more  war  for  warriors.  It  is  a 
bitter  and  grievous  memory  that  we  recall  of  a  coun- 
try to  be  reconquered,  of  an  affront  to  be  avenged, 


270  THE  INVASION  OF  1314. 

of  all  the  glory  with  which  we  were  still  defending 
ourselves,  when  suddenly  our  arms  fell  powerless  to 
our  side,  and  in  the  prime  of  life  our  disappointed 
hearts  had  to  begin  a  new  career  in  strange  circum- 
stances." 

No  scene  has  more  deeply  impressed  the  world 
than  this  leave-taking  at  Fontainebleau.  No  poet  ever 
invented  a  more  memorable  incident.  This  extraor- 
dinary man,  great  in  either  event  of  fortune,  knew 
how  to  touch  even  his  enemies.  The  four  foreign  com- 
missioners and  their  suite  did  not  understand  a  word 
that  the  Emperor  said,  yet  they  could  not  conquer 
the  emotion  that  seized  them  at  the  pathetic  spectacle. 
Napoleon  and  his  Old  Guard  have  been  sung  in 
foreign  lands  as  well  as  in  France,  by  Lord  Byron 
and  by  Heine. 

Byron  celebrates  the  20th  of  April,  1814,  in  his 
poem,  tf  To  Napoleon  " :  — 

"  Must  thou  go,  my  glorious  chief, 
Sever'd  from  the  faithful  few  ? 
Who  can  tell  thy  warrior's  grief, 
Maddening  o'er  that  long  adieu? 

"  Woman's  love  and  friendship's  zeal, 
Dear  as  both  have  been  to  me  — 
What  are  they  to  all  I  feel, 

With  a  soldier's  faith  for  thee  ?  " 

Heine's  poem, "  The  Two  Grenadiers,"  is  well  known. 
It  has  been  set  to  music  by  Schumann.  A  Bavarian 
dramatist   has  written  a  play,  Josephine   Bonaparte, 


THE  LEAVE-TAKING  AT  FONTAINEBLEAU.      271 


which  introduces  the  leave-taking  at  Fontainebleau. 
It  has  had  great  success  at  Munich,  and  when  the 
actor  who  takes  the  part  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte  comes 
down  the  staircase  and  bids  farewell  to  his  old  com- 
panions, the  Germans  are  as  much  moved  as  the 
French. 


XXII. 

THE  JOURNEY  TO  ELBA. 

l^TAPOLEON'S  journey  to  Elba  was  full  of  inci- 
-LM  dent,  but  it  began  calmly.  General  Drouot 
drove  on  ahead  in  one  carriage;  Napoleon  followed 
in  another  with  General  Bertrand;  then  came  the 
four  commissioners  of  the  Allied  Powers.  April  20, 
they  stopped  for  the  night  at  Briare;  the  21st  at 
Nevers;  the  22d  at  Roanne.  The  Emperor  sent 
for  the  mayor  of  this  town,  and  said ( to  him:  "You 
ought  to  have  here  six  thousand  men  of  the  army  of 
Spain.  If  I  had  not  been  betrayed  more  than  four- 
teen times  a  day,  I  should  still  be  on  the  throne." 
So  far  Napoleon  encountered  no  hostile  feeling  on 
his  way.  Everywhere  he  stopped,  he  talked  with  the 
officials,  and  he  had  the  consolation  of  hearing  cries 
of  "  Long  live  the  Emperor  !  "  The  first  part  of  the 
way  he  had  been  escorted  by  detachments  of  cavalry, — 
a  useless  precaution,  because  in  the  Bourbonnais  the 
attitude  of  the  populace  was  friendly;  but  the  escort 
was  dismissed  just  when  it  would  have  been  of  ser- 
vice, and  Napoleon  was  in  as  great  peril  of  his  life  as 
if  he  had  been  on  the  battle-field.  He  passed  through 
272 


THE  JOURNEY  TO  ELBA.  273 

Lyons,  April  23,  at  about  eleven  o'clock  at  night, 
without  the  knowledge  of  any  one  in  the  city.  The 
24th  he  reached  Pe'age-de-Roussillon,  a  little  village 
on  the  Rhone,  and  there  he  breakfasted. 

As  he  was  pushing  on  towards  Valence,  he  met 
Marshal  Augereau,  Duke  of  Castiglione.  "  Where 
are  you  going  like  that  ?  "  he  asked,  grasping  him  by 
the  arm ;  "  Are  you  going  to  the  court  ?  "  Augereau 
answered  that  at  that  moment  he  was  on  his  way  to 
Lyons.  This  man  of  the  18th  Fructidor,  formerly  a 
fanatical  Republican,  was  hastening  to  join  the  Bour- 
bons and  to  abjure  the  tricolor.  April  16,  from  his 
headquarters  at  Valence,  he  had  issued  a  proclamation 
to  his  soldiers,  in  which  he  said :  "  Soldiers,  you  are 
freed  from  your  oaths,  by  the  nation,  in  which  the 
sovereignty  resides,  and  still  more,  if  more  were  nec- 
essary, by  the  abdication  of  a  man  who,  after  immo- 
lating millions  of  victims  to  his  cruel  ambition,  has 
not  known  how  to  die  as  a  soldier.  The  nation  sum- 
mons Louis  XVIII.  to  the  throne.  Born  a  French- 
man, he  will  be  proud  of  your  glory,  and  will  gladly 
surround  himself  with  your  leaders ;  a  descendant  of 
Henri  IV.,  he  will  have  his  heart ;  he  will  love  the 
soldiers  and  the  people.  Let  us  then  swear  fidelity 
to  Louis  XVIII.,  and  to  the  Constitution  which  pre- 
sents him  to  us;  let  us  raise  the  true  French  flag 
which  abolishes  every  emblem  of  a  revolution  now 
ended,  and  soon  you  will  find  in  the  gratitude  of  your 
king  and  of  your  country  a  just  reward  for  your  noble 
deeds."     The   Emperor,  doubtless   still   ignorant   of 


274  THE  INVASION  OF  18 U. 


this  proclamation,  talked  for  about  a  quarter  of  an 
hour  with  the  hero  of  Castiglione,  and  kissed  him  on 
leaving.  It  has  been  said  that  an  hour  later  he  said 
to  General  Roller,  the  Austrian  commissioner:  UI 
have  just  heard  of  Augereau's  infamous  proclamation ; 
if  I  had  known  about  it  when  I  met  him,  I  should 
have  combed  his  hair  for  him." 

Napoleon  passed  through  Valence,  which  had  been 
one  of  his  first  garrisons  when  an  obscure  officer  of 
artillery,  but  he  did  not  stop  there.  The  soldiers 
of  Augereau's  corps,  though  they  all  wore  the  white 
cockade,  shouted,  "Long  live  the  Emperor!"  But 
after  Valence  there  were  no  more  cheers;  he  en- 
countered nothing  but  imprecations  and  curses. 

As  Napoleon  was  passing  through  Orange,  April 
25,  he  was  greeted  with  cries  of,  "Long  live  the 
King !  Long  live  Louis  XVIII. ! "  The  same  day, 
shortly  before  reaching  Avignon,  where  he  was  to 
change  horses,  he  encountered  a  number  of  men 
assembled,  who  shouted  furiously :  "  Long  live  the 
King !  Hurrah  for  the  Allies !  Down  with  the 
tyrant !  the  wretch  !  the  beggar !  "  A  little  further, 
at  the  village  of  Orgon,  the  popular  fury  was  at  its 
height.  Before  the  inn  where  he  was  to  stop  there 
had  been  raised  a  gallows,  on  which  swung  a  figure 
covered  with  blood,  with  an  inscription  on  his  breast : 
"  This,  sooner  or  later,  will  be  the  tyrant's  lot !  "  The 
infuriated  crowd  climbed  upon  Napoleon's  carriage, 
with  the  most  savage  insults.  Count  Shouvaloff, 
the  Russian  commissioner,  had  much  difficulty  in 
calming  them. 


THE  JOURNEY  TO  ELBA.  275 

An  eye-witness,  the  Abbe*  Ferrucci,  Cardinal  Gabri- 
elli's  secretary,  thus  describes  the  terrible  scene  : 
"  Orgon,  April  25.  A  most  noteworthy  and  unex- 
pected incident  took  place  to-day,  in  my  presence. 
The  ex-Emperor  Napoleon  was  passing  through  in- 
cognito, with  three  carriages,  at  eight  in  the  morning: 
the  other  carriages  had  already  gone  through.  The 
people,  who  spy  out  everything,  gathered.  Napoleon 
was  to  stop  for  breakfast,  but  he  could  not.  All 
shouted :  '  Death  to  the  tyrant !  Long  live  the 
King ! '  They  burned  him  in  efhgy  before  his  eyes, 
and  held  up  before  him  figures  stabbed  and  covered 
with  blood.  Some  climbed  up  on  his  carriage  and 
shook  their  fists  in  his  face,  crying,  'Death  to  the 
tyrant ! '  Some  women,  seizing  stones,  shouted, 
1  Give  me  back  my  son ! '  It  was  a  painful  spec- 
tacle, inconsistent  with  honor,  humanity,  and  re- 
ligion. For  my  part,  I  should  have  been  glad  to 
protect  him  with  my  own  body." 

The  peril  grew  greater  every  moment.  Napoleon 
had  good  reason  to  believe  that  his  wonderful  career 
was  to  come  to  a  most  terrible  end.  Sir  Walter 
Scott,  though  generally  most  hostile  to  the  Emperor, 
does  not  hesitate  to  say :  "  The  danger  was  of  a  new 
and  peculiarly  horrible  description,  and  calculated  to 
appall  many  to  whom  the  terrors  of  a  field  of  battle 
were  familiar.  The  bravest  soldier  might  shudder 
at  a  death  like  that  of  the  De  Witts." 

If  we  may  believe  the  report  of  the  Prussian  com- 
missioner, Count  Von  Waldburg  Truchsess,  the  ac- 


276  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

count  of  which  Count  Shouvaloff  certified  to  Chateau- 
briand, the  Emperor,  when  a  quarter  of  a  league  from 
Orgon,  thought  it  necessary  to  disguise  himself ;  he 
put  on  a  round  hat  with  a  white  cockade,  and  got  into 
a  wretched  blue  overcoat;  then  he  mounted  a  post- 
horse  and  galloped  on  ahead  of  his  own  carriage,  in 
order  to  pass  for  a  courier.  The  commissioners,  who 
were  not  aware  that  he  had  changed  his  dress,  fol- 
lowed at  some  distance.  Near  Saint  Canat,  he  entered 
a  miserable  inn,  on  the  highroad,  called  La  Calade. 

"  It  was  not  till  we  were  near  Saint  Canat,"  says 
the  Prussian  commissioner,  "that  we  heard  of  the 
Emperor's  disguise  and  of  his  arrival  at  this  inn ;  he 
was  accompanied  by  but  a  single  courier ;  his  whole 
suite,  from  the  general  to  the  scullion,  wore  white 
cockades,  with  which  they  seemed  to  have  provided 
themselves  beforehand.  His  valet  came  up  to  us, 
and  begged  us  to  make  him  pass  for  Colonel  Camp- 
bell, the  name  he  had  given  to  the  hostess  when  he 
arrived.  We  promised  to  comply  with  this  request, 
and  I  went  first  into  a  sort  of  chamber,  where  I  was 
surprised  to  find  the  former  monarch  of  the  world 
buried  in  deep  thought,  with  his  head  resting  in  his 
hands.  I  did  not  recognize  him  at  first,  and  went 
nearer.  He  sprang  up  when  he  heard  my  steps,  and 
I  saw  his  face  wet  with  tears.  He  made  me  a  sign 
not  to  say  anything,  made  me  sit  down  by  him,  and 
all  the  time  the  hostess  was  in  the  room,  talked  to 
me  about  indifferent  things.  .  .  .  We  sat  down  at 
the  table ;  but  since  the  meal  had  not  been  prepared 


THE  JOURNEY  TO  ELBA.  277 

by  his  own  cooks,  he  could  not  make  up  his  mind  to 
eat  anything  lest  he  should  be  poisoned.  ...  He 
talked  a  good  deal,  and  was  very  pleasant.  When 
we  were  alone,  and  our  hostess,  who  waited  on  us, 
had  gone  away,  he  told  us  why  he  felt  that  his  life 
was  in  danger;  he  was  convinced  that  the  French 
government  had  taken  measures  to  have  him  abducted 
or  assassinated  in  this  region.  ...  To  convince  us 
that  his  fears  were  well  grounded,  he  told  us  of  his 
talk  with  his  hostess,  who  had  not  recognized  him. 
4  Well,'  she  asked,  '  have  you  met  Bonaparte  ? ' 
1  No,'  he  replied.  She  went  on,  •  I  wonder  whether 
he  will  save  himself ;  I  always  think  the  people  are 
going  to  murder  him,  and  I'm  sure  he  will  deserve 
it !  Tell  me,  are  they  going  to  ship  him  to  his  island? ' 
'Oh,  yes.'  'They'll  drown  him,  won't  they?'  4I 
hope  so,'  answered  Napoleon.  '  So  you  see  to  what 
danger  I  am  exposed.'  " 

This  man  in  disguise,  weeping  in  a  miserable  road- 
side inn,  is  he  who  was  crowned  Emperor  of  the 
French  at  Notre  Dame,  and  King  of  Italy  in  the 
Cathedral  of  Milan.  This  was  the  man  of  destiny, 
the  new  Csesar,  the  modern  Charlemagne,  who  ap- 
peared at  Dresden  two  years  before  as  the  king  of 
kings ;  to  such  strange  misery  had  he  fallen.  Napoleon 
naturally  dreaded  dying  here  in  this  wretched  hole, 
disguised  as  he  was,  and  with  the  white  cockade  in  his 
hat.  Yet  escape  from  his  perils  was  not  easy.  Napo- 
leon knew  well  these  Southern  people.  Early  in  his 
career  he  had  seen  them  at  work,  and  they  were  as 


278  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

zealous  now  in  their  fervor  for  Royalism  as  they  had 
been  for  the  Republic  :  the  White  Terror  promised  to 
be  as  pitiless  as  the  Red  Terror  had  been. 

Meanwhile,  night  had  fallen,  cold  and  dark,  but 
on  that  account  offering  Napoleon  a  better  protection 
than  a  strong  escort.  A  violent  mistral  was  raging, 
and  this,  with  the  darkness  of  the  night,  prevented 
the  populace  from  gathering  about  this  inn.  Never- 
theless, a  good  many  suspected  that  the  Emperor  was 
there,  and  made  their  way  thither.  The  foreign 
commissioners  in  vain  tried  to  convince  them  that 
they  were  mistaken;  that  Napoleon  was  not  there. 
"We  don't  want  to  do  him  any  harm,"  they  said; 
"  we  only  want  to  look  at  him  to  see  what  effect  mis- 
fortune has  had  upon  him.  We  shall  at  the  most 
only  utter  a  few  reproaches,  and  tell  him  the  truth, 
which  he  has  so  seldom  heard."  The  commissioners 
succeeded  in  dissuading  them  and  in  calming  them. 
Then  some  one  appeared  who  promised  to  maintain 
order  at  Aix,  if  he  could  be  given  a  letter  for  the 
mayor  of  that  place.  His  offer  was  accepted,  and  the 
man  started  for  Aix,  returning  soon  with  the  assur- 
ance that  the  mayor  had  taken  measures  to  prevent 
any  disorder.  It  was  midnight.  The  crowd  that 
had  assembled  at  the  doors  of  the  inn  had  for  the 
most  part  dispersed ;  only  a  few  were  left,  with  lan- 
terns. Napoleon  decided  to  leave.  But  first  he 
thought  it  prudent  to  put  on  a  new  disguise ;  hence, 
wishing  to  pass  for  a  foreign  officer,  he  put  on  Gen- 
eral  Roller's   uniform,  and  wrapped  himself  up  in 


THE  JOURNEY  TO  ELBA.  279 

General  Shouvaloff's  cloak.  Then,  half  an  hour 
after  midnight,  they  started  out  into  the  black  and 
blustering  night,  eluding  the  few  inquisitive  men 
who  still  lingered  about  and  turned  the  light  of  their 
dark-lanterns  on  the  carriages. 

When  the  Emperor  tried  to  poison  himself  at  Fon- 
tainebleau,  could  he  have  foreseen  this  deepest  humil- 
iation, —  that  he  should  wear  a  foreign  uniform  to 
escape  being  massacred  by  Frenchmen?  Probably 
not;  reality  was  to  outdo  his  worst  apprehensions. 
The  Prussian  commissioner,  in  his  account,  has  no 
word  of  compassion  for  the  defeated  giant ;  he  says : 
"  The  Emperor  did  not  regain  confidence ;  he  stayed 
in  the  Austrian  general's  carriage,  and  bade  the 
coachman  smoke,  —  a  familiarity  which  would  less 
betray  his  presence.  He  even  asked  General  Roller 
to  sing ;  and  when  he  said  he  did  not  know  how  to 
sing,  Bonaparte  told  him  to  whistle ;  and  so  he  drove 
on,  crouching  in  one  of  the  corners  of  the  carriage, 
pretending  to  sleep,  lulled  by  the  General's  charming 
music,  breathing  the  incense  of  the  driver's  pipe." 

Chateaubriand  exclaims  that  such  a  story  is  odi- 
ous reading.  "  What,"  he  asks,  u  the  commissioners 
could  not  give  better  protection  to  the  man  for  whom 
they  had  the  honor  of  being  responsible  ?  Who  were 
they,  to  put  on  such  airs  of  superiority  to  a  man  like 
that  ?  Bonaparte  said  with  truth  that  he  might  have 
made  the  journey  in  the  company  of  a  part  of  his 
guard.  They  were  plainly  indifferent  to  his  fate ; 
they  enjoyed  his  degradation ;  they  gladly  gave  their 


280  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

consent  to  the  marks  of  contempt  which  the  victim 
required  for  his  safety ;  it  is  pleasant  to  have  under 
one's  feet  the  destiny  of  the  man  who  used  to  walk 
on  the  loftiest  heads,  and  to  avenge  haughtiness  by 
insult !  So  the  commissioners  have  no  word,  even  of 
philosophic  reflection,  on  such  a  change  of  fortune,  to 
warn  man  of  his  nothingness  and  of  the  greatness  of 
God's  judgments  !  In  the  ranks  of  the  Allies  there 
had  been  many  flatterers  of  Napoleon;  when  one 
has  gone  on  his  knees  before  force,  he  has  no  right  to 
triumph  in  misfortune." 

It  is  easy  to  understand  the  impression  made  on 
the  Emperor's  mind  by  his  journey  through  Provence. 
It  possibly  explains  his  indulgence  to  the  Imperialists 
who  turned  Royalists.  He  must  have  remembered 
that  even  he,  the  Emperor,  had  been  forced  to  cry 
"  Long  live  the  King !  "  and  to  disguise,  not  merely 
his  feelings,  but  also  his  person.  He  knew  how  rare 
was  the  stoicism  of  a  Cato  or  a  Brutus,  and  when  he 
returned  from  Elba,  he  blamed  no  one  of  his  minis- 
ters or  marshals  for  turning  their  coats.  He  was 
past  all  possibility  of  surprise,  and  his  extremes  of 
good  and  evil  fortune  taught  him  at  once  compassion 
and  contempt. 

The  end  of  the  journey  was  without  incident  after 
leaving  Aix.  April  26,  they  breakfasted  at  Saint 
Maximin.  Napoleon  still  wore  General  Roller's  uni- 
form. "  You  would  not  have  recognized  me  in  these 
clothes  ?  "  he  asked  of  the  sub-prefect  of  Aix  ;  then 
he  added,  pointing  to  the  commissioners :  "  These  gen- 


THE  JOURNEY  TO  ELBA.  281 

tlemen  induced  me  to  put  them  on,  deeming  it  neces- 
sary for  my  safety.  I  might  have  had  an  escort,  but 
I  refused,  preferring  to  trust  to  French  loyalty.  I 
had  no  reason  to  regret  this  confidence  from  Fon- 
tainebleau  to  Avignon,  but  since  then  I  have  run 
much  danger.  The  Provence  people  disgrace  them- 
selves." 

Then  he  told  them  that  when  he  was .  an  artillery 
officer  he  had  been  sent  into  this  country  to  set  free 
two  Royalists  who  were  about  to  be  hanged  for  wear- 
ing the  white  cockade.  "  It  was  only  with  great  dif- 
ficulty," he  went  on,  "  that  I  saved  them  from  the 
hands  of  those  madmen,  and  now  they  are  beginning 
the  same  excesses  against  those  who  refuse  to  put  on 
the  white  cockade.  Such  is  the  inconsistency  of  the 
French." 

In  the  evening  of  April  26  they  reached  the  castle 
of  Bouillidou,  near  Luc,  where  they  found  Princess 
Pauline  Borghese,  who  was  much  moved  when  she 
saw  her  brother.  There  were  Austrian  troops  near 
by,  charged  with  escorting  the  Emperor  and  seeing 
to  his  embarkment.  Without  further  danger,  he 
reached  Fr£jus,  April  27,  and  thence  he  wrote  to 
Corvisart :  "  I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  22d. 
I  am  glad  to  notice  your  good  conduct  when  so  many 
have  conducted  themselves  ill.  I  am  grateful  to  you, 
and  it  confirms  the  opinion  I  had  already  formed  of 
your  character.  Give  me  news  of  Marie  Louise,  and 
never  doubt  my  affection  for  you.  Do  not  give  way 
to  melancholy  thoughts ;    I  hope  that  you  will  long 


282  THE  INVASION   OF  18 14. 

be  spared  to  do  good  and  to  make  your  friends 
happy." 

The  fifteenth  article  of  the  treaty  of  April  11, 
1814,  ran  thus :  "  The  Imperial  Guard  will  furnish  a 
detachment  of  from  twelve  to  fifteen  hundred  men, 
of  all  arms  of  the  service,  to  serve  as  escort  to  Saint 
Tropez,  the  place  of  sailing " :  this  article  had  not 
been  carried  out.  Napoleon  did  not  have  the  stipu- 
lated escort,  and  he  did  not  sail  from  Saint  Tropez. 
The  sixteenth  article  was  also  unobserved;  it  said: 
"  There  shall  be  supplied  an  armed  corvette  and  the 
transports  necessary  to  conduct  to  their  destination 
His  Majesty  the  Emperor  and  his  household.  The 
corvette  shall  remain  His  Majesty's  property."  The 
French  Government  sent  the  brig,  Inconstant,  but 
Napoleon  refused  to  sail  in  it.  "  If  the  government," 
he  said,  "  had  known  what  was  due  to  itself,  it  would 
have  sent  me  a  three-decker,  and  not  an  old  worthless 
brig,  which  my  dignity  forbids  me  boarding."  The 
Emperor  preferred  to  take  the  English  frigate,  Un- 
daunted, which  Colonel  Campbell  had  had  prepared. 

April  27,  Napoleon,  who  was  to  embark  the  next 
day  in  this  frigate,  in  the  gulf  of  Saint  Raphael,  in- 
vited to  dinner,  at  F  re*  jus,  the  four  foreign  commis- 
sioners, Count  Klamur,  and  the  captain  of  the  English 
ship.  "  There  he  resumed  all  his  Imperial  dignity," 
says  the  Count  of  Waldburg.  " .  .  .  He  spoke  to 
us  with  rare  openness  of  his  plans  for  the  aggrandize- 
ment of  France  at  our  expense;  he  explained  how 
he  had  meant  to  turn  Hamburg  into  another  Ant- 


THE  JOURNEY  TO  ELBA.  283 

werp,  and  to  make  the  harbor  of  Cuxhaven  like  that 
of  Cherbourg.  He  pointed  out  to  us  what  no  one 
had  noticed,  that  the  Elbe  was  as  deep  as  the  Scheldt, 
and  that  a  port  could  be  built  at  its  mouth  like  the 
one  that  made  Belgium  powerful.  He  spoke  with 
such  passion  and  vivacity  of  his  fleets  at  Toulon, 
Brest,  and  Antwerp,  of  his  Hamburg  army,  and  of  his 
mortars  at  Hyeres,  with  which  he  could  throw  shells 
three  thousand  paces,  that  one  would  have  thought  that 
all  still  belonged  to  him."  After  dinner  he  took  leave 
of  the  Russian  and  Prussian  commissioners :  only  the 
English  and  Austrian  commissioners  were  to  accom- 
pany him  to  Elba.  He  took  with  him  Generals  Ber- 
trand  and  Drouot,  the  Pole,  Major  Gerzmanofsky, 
two  quartermasters  of  the  palace,  a  paymaster,  a  phy- 
sician, two  secretaries,  a  house-steward,  a  valet,  two 
cooks,  and  six  servants.  An  escort  of  Austrian 
hussars  accompanied  him  to  the  harbor  of  Saint 
Raphael,  where  he  was  received  with  military  honors 
and  a  salute  of  twenty-four  cannon.  He  set  sail, 
April  28,  at  9  p.m.  May  3,  he  anchored  in  the  road- 
stead of  Porto  Ferrajo,  and  on  the  4th,  he  landed 
amid  the  cheers  of  the  inhabitants,  who  were  proud 
of  their  sovereign. 


XXIII. 

THE   LAST   DAYS    OF   MARIE   LOUISE   IN   FRANCE. 

WHILE  Napoleon  was  thus  on  his  way  from 
Fontainebleau  to  Elba,  what  had  become  of 
the  Empress,  Marie  Louise  ?  We  left  her  at  Orleans, 
April  12,  1814,  harassed  and  ill,  weeping  and  won- 
dering what  was  her  duty.  The  same  day,  Baron  de 
Bausset  arrived,  bringing  her  a  letter  from  Napoleon 
and  one  from  Metternich.  The  Austrian  Minister 
assured  Marie  Louise  that  she  should  be  free  to  lead 
an  independent  life,  with  the  right  of  succession  for 
her  son,  and  he  indicated  that  the  best  thing  for  her 
to  do  would  be  to  go  to  Austria  with  her  son  to  await 
her  choice  between  the  place  where  the  Emperor 
Napoleon  might  be  and  her  own  establishment ;  he 
added  that  the  Emperor  Francis  would  have  the  hap- 
piness of  helping  to  dry  the  tears  which  his  unhappy 
daughter  had  only  too  many  reasons  for  shedding ; 
that  she  could  be  quiet  for  a  season  and  free  to  decide 
upon  the  future,  and  that  she  might  bring  with  her 
such  persons  as  she  best  trusted. 

Shortly  after  she  received  this  letter,  Prince  Paul 
Esterhazy  and  Prince  Wenezel-Lichtenstein  reached 
284 


LAST  DAYS  OF  MARIE  LOUISE  IN  FRANCE.      285 

Orleans  with  another  letter  from  Metternich,  telling 
her  that  the  Duchies  of  Parma  and  Piacenza  had  been 
granted  her,  revertible  to  her  son,  and  he  asked  her 
to  go  at  once  to  the  castle  of  Rambouillet  to  meet  her 
father. 

Marie  Louise,  who  had  long  desired  this  interview, 
and  was  very  anxious  to  plead  not  only  her  own  cause, 
but  also  that  of  her  husband  and  son,  readily  agreed. 
She  left  Orleans,  April  11,  at  8  p.m.,  under  the  escort 
of  some  of  the  cavalry  of  the  Imperial  Guard.  At 
Angerville,  however,  their  place  was  taken  by  some 
Cossacks,  who  brandished  their  long  pikes  about  the 
carriages  as  if  they  were  a  convoy  of  prisoners.  In 
fact,  from  this  moment  Marie  Louise  was  really  a 
captive.  When,  April  13,  at  noon,  she  reached  Ram- 
bouillet, worn  out  with  mental  suffering  and  bodily 
fatigue,  she  found  the  roadway  and  the  interior  of  the 
castle  guarded  by  Russian  troops.  She  regretted  her 
haste  in  leaving  Orleans,  for  she  learned  that  her 
father  would  not  be  in  Paris  till  the  next  day  and 
would  not  come  to  Rambouillet  till  April  16. 

The  12th,  Marie  Louise  might  have  joined  Napo- 
leon at  Fontainebleau ;  the  13th  that  was  impossible. 
The  foreigners,  to  whom  she  had  imprudently  en- 
trusted herself,  would  not  have  permitted  it.  Up  to 
that  time,  that  is  to  say,  up  to  April  13,  Napoleon,  as 
we  have  said,  on  account  of  his  intention  to  kill  him- 
self, did  not  care  to  see  again  his  wife  and  son.  But 
as  soon  as  he  renounced  his  plan  of  suicide,  he  longed 
to  press  them  to  his  heart.     The  13th,  he  sent  Gen- 


286  THE  INVASION   OF  I8I4. 

eral  Cambronne  to  Orleans  with  two  battalions  of  the 
Guard.  Since  he  had  heard  that  one  of  the  reasons 
that  prevented  the  Empress  from  going  to  Fontaine- 
bleau  was  the  dread  of  being  stopped  on  the  way  by  the 
allied  troops,  he  doubtless  sent  this  escort  to  protect 
her.  But  General  Cambronne  arrived  too  late ;  Marie 
Louise  was  already  on  her  way  to  Rambouillet. 

The  Empress  spent  the  13th,  14th,  and  15th  in 
feverish  impatience  to  see  her  father.  At  one  mo- 
ment she  was  pacing  her  apartment  in  great  agita- 
tion ;  the  next  she  was  motionless,  shedding  torrents 
of  tears.  The  visit  that  Queen  Hortense  made 
brought  her  no  consolation  ;  she  saw  that  Josephine's 
daughter  suspected  her  of  desiring  to  leave  Napo- 
leon. 

In  the  afternoon  of  April  16,  a  very  plain  open  car- 
riage brought  to  Rambouillet  the  Emperor  of  Austria, 
accompanied  only  by  Prince  Metternich.  Marie  Louise, 
followed  by  her  son  and  Madame  de  Montesquiou, 
went  down  to  the  foot  of  the  palace  staircase.  When 
she  saw  her  father,  she  burst  into  tears,  and  even  be- 
fore she  kissed  him,  she  placed  the  King  of  Rome  in 
his  arms.  This  was  a  silent  reproach  which  the  Em- 
peror of  Austria  must  well  have  understood  when  for 
the  first  time  he  pressed  to  his  heart  the  grandson 
whom  he  had  never  seen,  and  now  beheld  in  circum- 
stances so  agonizing  for  the  unhappy  mother. 

Marie  Louise  barely  took  time  to  present  to  her 
father  such  members  of  her  household  as  happened 
to  be  present,  and  hastened  with  him  into  her  room. 


LAST  DAYS  OF  MARIE  LOUISE  IN  FRANCE.      287 

Her  father  was  no  less  moved  than  she  was.  The  lit- 
tle boy,  whose  fate  was  already  so  pathetic,  won  his  ad- 
miration ;  he  gazed  at  him  tenderly,  and  promised  to 
look  after  him,  as  if  to  atone  for  not  having  defended 
him  more  warmly.  Henceforth,  Marie  Louise  and 
the  King  of  Rome  lived  only  under  the  protection  of 
Austria.  Two  battalions  of  Austrian  infantry  and 
two  squadrons  of  Austrian  cavalry  took  the  place  of 
the  Russian  troops  on  guard  at  Rambouillet.  The 
Emperor  Francis  spent  the  night  there,  and  left 
the  next  morning  at  nine,  having  persuaded  his 
daughter  to  go  to  Vienna.  He  took  good  care  not 
to  tell  her  that  he  condemned  her  never  to  see  her 
husband  again,  and  he  led  her  to  suppose  that  after 
she  had  rested  awhile  in  the  bosom  of  her  family, 
she'  should  be  free  to  divide  her  time  between  the 
Duchy  of  Parma  and  the  island  of  Elba.  But 
these  promises  did  not  satisfy  Marie  Louise.  Her 
interview  with  her  father,  so  far  from  allaying  her 
anxiety,  only  redoubled  it.  With  her  elbows  on  her 
knees,  and  her  head  in  her  hands,  she  meditated 
and  wept. 

April  19,  Marie  Louise  received  at  Rambouillet  a 
visit  which  was  extremely  painful  to  her,  but  her 
father  insisted  on  it,  namely,  from  the  Emperor  Alex- 
ander. As  the  Duke  of  Rovigo  says  in  his  Memoirs : 
"  The  Czar  must  have  seen  from  her  face,  which  had 
been  bathed  with  tears  for  twenty  days,  what  effect  he^ 
produced  on  her.  Doubtless  he  did  not  know  that 
the  Empress  had  been  informed  in  detail  of  every- 


288  THE  INVASION   OF  1814. 

thing  that  had  taken  place  in  Paris  before  and  during 
his  reception  of  the  deputation  of  marshals.  But  she 
knew  all  the  plans  framed  against  her  husband,  and 
she  would  have  had  to  possess  great  self-control  to 
keep  her  face  calm  before  the  instigator  of  the  griefs 
by  which  she  was  tormented." 

Alexander  apologized  for  the  liberty  he  took  in 
presenting  himself  before  the  Empress  without  first 
securing  her  permission.  He  added  that  he  came 
with  the  consent  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  and 
warmly  assured  her  of  his  sympathy  and  devotion. 
"He  was  so  amiable,  so  easy,"  says  the  Baron  de 
Bausset,  "that  we  were  almost  tempted  to  believe 
that  nothing  serious  had  happened  in  Paris.  After 
breakfast  he  asked  the  Empress  if  he  might  see  her 
son.  Then  turning  towards  me,  —  for  I  had  the  honor 
of  meeting  him  at  the  Erfurt  Congress,  —  he  asked 
me  if  I  would  kindly  take  him  to  '  the  little  King ' : 
those  are  his  own  words.  I  preceded  him,  after  sending 
word  to  Madame  de  Montesquiou.  When  he  saw  the 
boy,  the  Emperor  kissed  him,  played  with  him,  and 
looked  at  him  attentively."  Marie  Louise  treated  the 
Czar  politely,  but  coldly. 

As  soon  as  he  heard  that  the  Empress  was  at  Ram- 
bouillet,  Napoleon  gave  up  all  thought  of  asking  her 
to  join  him.  He  knew  that  there  the  Emperor  of 
Austria  would  not  let  her  come  to  him,  and  that 
Marie  Louise  was  no  longer  free.  Nevertheless, 
April  19,  the  day  before  he  left  Fontainebleau,  he 
dictated   to  Baron  Fain  a  letter  for  the  Baron  de 


LAST  BAYS  OF  MARIE  LOUISE  IN  FRANCE.      289 

Me'neval,  in  which  he  said :  "  Inasmuch  as  the  Em- 
press has  made  many  inquiries  of  M,  de  La  Place  about 
the  island  of  Elba,  I  send  you  the  report  of  an  officer 
of  engineers  who  has  just  come  from  there:  it  is 
fuller  than  anything  we  have.  You  may  show  it 
to  the  Empress,  if  you  think  it  will  interest  her." 
Those  last  words  are  not  without  sadness,  —  "  if  you 
think  it  will  interest  her."  It  seems  as  if  he  foresaw 
that  desertion  which  throws  such  a  cloud  on  the  fame 
of  Marie  Louise. 

The  letter  closed  thus :  "  The  Emperor  was  not 
able  to  leave  to-day,  because  the  preparations  could 
not  be  completed ;  he  will  leave  to-morrow,  to  pass 
through  Nevers,  Moulins,  Lyons,  Avignon,  Aix,  to 
Saint  Tropez.  Letters  must  be  directed  to  Leghorn 
and  Genoa,  to  the  care  of  the  Viceroy  and  of  the 
King  of  Naples."  That  same  evening,  April  19, 
there  came  another  letter  from  Fontainebleau :  "  The 
Emperor  starts  at  9  a.m.  to-morrow.  He  wrote  to 
you  this  morning  the  road  he  means  to  take  to  Lyons 
through  the  Bourbonnais,  to  Saint  Tropez,  through 
Avignon  and  Aix.  The  Emperor  would  like  to 
receive  news  from  the  Empress  to-morrow  evening  at 
Briare,  where  he  means  to  pass  the  night;  he  hopes 
also  to  find  letters  at  Saint  Tropez.  In  a  word,  His 
Majesty  begs  of  you  to  write  to  him  at  every  oppor- 
tunity." 

April  22,  Marie  Louise  received  at  Rambouillet 
another  visit  even  more  disagreeable  than  that  of  the 
Emperor  Alexander;  that,  namely,  of   the  King   of 


290  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

Prussia.  After  spending  an  hour  with  the  Empress, 
this  monarch  asked  the  Baron  de  Bausset,  as  the  Czar 
had  done,  to  take  him  to  "the  little  King."  The 
King  was  less  affectionate,  less  demonstrative,  than 
the  Emperor  Alexander;  but,  like  him,  he  kissed 
"  the  little  King." 

The  same  day  the  Austrian  general,  Count  Kinski, 
accompanied  by  several  officers,  arrived  at  Rambouil- 
let.  He  was  to  accompany  Marie  Louise  to  Vienna, 
and  came  to  see  about  the  preparations  for  the 
journey. 

Marie  Louise  started  from  Rambouillet  April  23, 
stopping  a  day  at  Grosbois,  the  castle  of  Berthier, 
Prince  of  Wagram,  where  she  saw  her  father,  who 
left  on  the  25th  to  dine  in  Paris  with  the  Count 
d'Artois.  Then  she  pushed  on  with  her  son,  not 
stopping  again.  The  Empress  was  accompanied  by 
the  Duchess  of  Montebello,  the  Countess  of  Brignoli, 
General  CafTarelli,  MM.  de  Saint  Aignan,  de  Baus- 
set, and  de  Meneval ;  the  King  of  Rome  by  his  gov- 
erness, the  Countess  of  Montesquiou,  and  by  Madame 
Soufflot.  The  Duke  of  Rovigo  says :  "  She  travelled 
under  the  escort  of  her  father's  troops,  and  took  the 
road  by  which  the  Allies  had  marched  from  Basle  to 
Paris.  She  passed  through  the  departments  of  a 
country  which,  four  years  before,  had  raised  tri- 
umphal arches  to  greet  her,  had  scattered.,  flowers 
before  her  feet.  It  saw  her  leave  as  the  last  victim 
of  the  enemies  who  had  rava'ged  its  cities,  and  carrying 
with  her  the  tie  which,  shortly  before,  had  seemed  to 


LAST  DA  YS  OF  MARIE  LOUISE  IN  FRANCE.      291 

unite  her  more  firmly  with  the  French.  Her  heart 
was  rent  with  anguish  in  this  sad  journey :  everything 
was  full  of  bitterness.  She  carried  with  her  the 
regrets  of  all  who  had  enjoyed  the  happiness  of 
approaching  her,  and  left  behind  her  the  memory  of 
her  virtues." 

The  Empress  spent  the  night  of  April  25  at  Pro- 
vins,  whence  she  wrote  to  Napoleon.  The  country 
presented  a  most  doleful  appearance :  the  ravages  of 
war  had  left  hideous  traces.  The  harvests  had  been 
trampled  beneath  the  feet  of  cavalry  horses ;  every- 
where were  to  be  seen  houses  destroyed,  villages  in 
ashes.  The  night  of  the  26th,  she  stopped  at  Troyes, 
in  the  house  of  M.  de  Mesgrigny,  father  of  one 
of  the  Emperor's  equerries;  the  27th,  at  Chatillon, 
famous  for  its  fruitless  congress.  The  28th,  she 
reached  Dijon,  where  the  Austrian  troops  were  drawn 
up  to  receive  her  as  their  Emperor's  daughter.  They 
had.  wanted  to  welcome  her  with  a  salute  and  to 
illuminate  the  city,  but  she  declined.  That  night  she 
slept  at  Dijon ;  the  next  at  Gray ;  the  30th  at  Vesoul ; 
May  1st  at  Belfort;  and  May  2d,  she  crossed  the 
Rhine  between  Huningue  and  Basle,  leaving  French 
soil. 

Marie  Louise  had  spent  but  four  years  in  France, 
and  they  had  left  a  more  painful  than  happy  mem- 
ory. Her  happiness  had  not  lasted  more  than  two 
years,  but  had  been  darkened  by  many  a  cloud.  The 
days  of  her  prosperity  came  to  an  end  with  the  Dres- 
den interview.     The  Russian  campaign  was  the  begin- 


292  THE  INVASION  OF  1814. 

ning  of  a  series  of  anxieties  which  ended  in  complete 
miser}'. 

When  Marie  Louise  recalled  her  eventful  career, 
those  four  perturbed  years  must  have  seemed  like  a 
distressing  nightmare.  Her  elevation  and  her  fall 
were  equally  astounding.  A  single  consolation  was 
left  her,  —  the  thought  that  she  had  done  her  duty. 
In  1814  she  could  make  herself  no  serious  reproach. 
A  good  wife,  a  good  mother,  a  good  Regent,  she  had 
always  obeyed  Napoleon's  orders,  and  he  never  once 
complained  of  her.  All  parties  respected  her  and 
amid  all  the  insults  poured  out  on  her  husband,  no 
voice  was  raised  to  denounce  or  even  to  criticise  her. 
In  their  Memoirs  the  most  ardent  partisans  of  the 
Emperor,  Me*neval,  Bausset,  Savary,  have  only  most 
flattering  words  for  her.  No  Legitimist,  no  Repub- 
lican, has  attacked  her.  When  she  left  France,  every 
one  paid  homage  to  her  virtue  and  her  character. 
Every  one  felt  sure  that  she  would  go  to  join  her 
husband  at  Elba.  She  thought  so  herself;  she  had 
not  yet  felt  the  influence  of  the  Count  of  Neipperg. 
The  bonds  uniting  her  to  Napoleon  were  stretched, 
but  not  yet  broken,  and  at  first  after  her  return  in 
Germany,  she  had  not  ceased  to  be  a  Frenchwoman. 

Time  was  needed  to  turn  the  dethroned  Empress 
into  an  Austrian  princess;  the  transformation  only 
took  place  gradually.  Drawn  in  opposite  directions, 
the  prey  of  contradictory  influences,  hesitating  be- 
tween two  countries,  as  between  her  father  and 
her  husband,  she  at  first  experienced  painful  scruples 


LAST  DAYS  OF  MARIE  LOUISE  IN  FRANCE.  '  293 

and  doubts.  It  was  a  difficult  position  for  a  young 
woman  of  twenty-two.  Ambushes  beset  this  victim 
of  politics  on  all  sides,  and  all  possible  plans 
were  devised  to  prevent  her  going  to  Elba,  whither 
her  duty  called  her.  Accustomed  from  infancy, 
as  daughter  and  subject,  to  follow  her  father's 
wishes,  she  at  last  blindly  accepted  a  yoke  which 
relieved  her  of  many  responsibilities.  Being  of  a 
passive,  submissive  nature,  she  entrusted  herself  and 
her  son  to  her  father's  care  :  it  is  he  rather  than 
she  who  deserves  the  blame  of  posterity.  In  any 
other  time,  she  would  have  been  a  faithful  wife,  an 
excellent  mother,  an  honored  sovereign,  but  she  had 
not  enough  energy  to  play  a  proper  part  in  such 
troublous  days.  For  four  years  she  had  been  a  true 
Frenchwoman;  but  when  she  had  returned  to  Ger- 
many, all  the  ideas,  the  prejudices,  the  passions  of 
her  girlhood  reappeared,  and  she  forgot  her  second 
county  in  her  attachment  for  the  land  of  her  birth. 
Thus  happened  to  her  what  often  happens  to  women 
who  marry  foreigners :  they  do  not  really  change 
their  nationality,  but  remain  devoted  daughters  of 
their  native  land.  Social  conventions,  even  religious 
ties,  are  often  powerless  to  destroy  the  work  of  nature, 
and  marriage,  sacred  as  it  is,  cannot  uproot  the  mem- 
ory of  one's  country.  The  Archduchess  of  Austria, 
the  Duchess  of  Parma,  Piacenza,  and  Guastalla  suc- 
ceeded to  the  Empress  of  the  French,  the  Queen  of 
Italy.  As  for  her  son,  not  only  did  he  cease  to  be 
the  King  of  Rome,  the  Prince  Imperial  of  France,  he 


294  THE  INVASION   OF  18 U. 

never  was  even  Hereditary  Prince  of  Parma.  He 
was  never  to  obtain  the  promised  right  of  succes- 
sion. The  time  was  drawing  near  when  he  was  to  be 
robbed  of  the  name  of  Bonaparte,  the  name  of  Napo- 
leon, and  was  to  be  known  only  as  Francis,  Duke 
of  Reichstadt. 


INDEX. 


Abdication  of  Napoleon,  the  first, 
General  de  Segur's  account  of, 
L72 :  the  draft  of,  175 ;  despatched 
to  Paris,  178. 

Abdication,  the  second,  form  of, 
215;  signed  by  Xapoleon,  210. 

Alexander  I.  disposed  to  withdraw 
from  the  alliance,  39 ;  on  account 
of  intercepted  letters  to  Napoleon 
decides  to  march  on  Paris,  90; 
noble  language  of,  as  to  Napo- 
leon's abdication  and  exile,  210; 

„  interview  of,  with  Marie  Louise 

"  at  Rambouillet,  287. 

Allies,  the,  determined  to  refuse 
the  natural  boundaries  of  France, 
.*)'.»;  propositions  of,  offensive  to 
Prance,  00;  grant  a  delay  of  ten 
days,  08;  determined  on  destroy- 
ing Napoleon,  88;  informed  by 
traitors  of  Napoleon's  plans,  92 ; 
disposed  to  withhold  everything 
from  Napoleon,  209. 

Aicis-sur-Aube,  battle  of,  84;  an 
heroic  page  in  the  Emperor's 
history,  85. 

Augereau,  General,  meets  Napoleon 
on  his  way  to  Elba,  273;  procla- 
mation of,  to  his  soldiers,  27.;. 

Batsano,  Duke  of,  writes  to  the 
I  >uke  of  Vicenza,  giving  him  from 
Xapoleon  carte  blanche  to  con- 
duct negotiations,  01;  devotion 
of,  to  Napoleon,  201. 

BatNMt,  M.  de,  assures  the  Em- 
press of  the  fidelity  of  her  guard, 
234;  sent  to  Francis  II.  with  a 
letter  from  Marie   Louise,  23G; 


brings  a  letter  from  Marie  Louise 
to  Napoleon,  249. 

Beranger,  "  Les  Deux  Grenadiers  " 
of,  200. 

Berthier,  General,  leaves  Napoleon, 
259. 

Bertrand,  General,  faithful  to  Napo- 
leon, 201. 

Belliard,  General,  informs  Napo- 
leon at  Juvisy  of  the  fate  of  Paris, 
140 ;  urges  him  not  to  go  to  Paris, 
142. 

Blois,  court  and  government  at, 
151 ;  condition  of,  at  the  end  of 
the  Regency,  225. 

Bliicher,  General,  at  Brienne,  0; 
defeated  by  Napoleon  at  Mont- 
mirail  and  elsewhere,  17;  ad- 
vances on  Paris,  42;  is  saved  by 
the  capitulation  of  Soissons,  40; 
sends  Marie  Louise  an  intercepted 
letter  of  Napoleon,  103. 

Bonaparte,  Jerome,  his  relations 
with  Napoleon,  104. 

Bonaparte,  Joseph,  letter  of,  to 
Napoleon,  February  3,  1814,  13; 
urges  Napoleon  not  to  let  the  Em- 
press leave  Paris,  10 ;  his  letter  to 
Napoleon  of  February  11, 1814, 21 ; 
writes  to  Napoleon  concerning 
the  exhaustion  of  the  country 
and  the  fidelity  of  the  National 
Guard,  34;  writes  to  Napoleon 
respecting  peace,  47 ;  reads  Napo- 
leon's letters  in  the  Council,  112; 
proclamation  of,  to  the  citizens 
of  Paris,  129;  directs  the  minis- 
ters and  dignitaries  to  leave 
Paris,  and  authorizes  capitula- 
295 


296 


INDEX. 


tion,  131 ;  letters  of,  at  Blois,  to 
Napoleon  at  Fontainebleau,  149 
et  seq.;  plans  of,  to  change  the 
seat  of  the  Regency,  222;  letter 
of,  to  Napoleon,  222. 

Bonaparte,  Louis,  gives  offence  to 
Napoleon  by  his  frankness,  104. 

Borghese,  Princess  Pauline,  meets 
Napoleon  on  his  way  to  Elba,  281. 

Borgo  Pozzo  di,  declaration  of,  con- 
cerning the  Coalition,  39. 

Boulay,  M.,  opposes  the  Duke  of 
Feltre,  and  urges  Marie  Louise 
to  remain  in  Paris,  109. 

Bourrienne,  describes  Napoleon's 
feelings  for  Brienne,  9  ;  describes 
the  reception  of  Marmont  by  the 
Royalists,  252. 

Brienne,  the  battle  of,  6. 

Byron's  poem  "  To  Napoleon,"  270. 

Castlereagh,  Lord,  exercises  pre- 
ponderant influence  at  Chatillon, 
67  ;  promotes  the  agreement 
which  resulted  in  the  Holy  Al- 
liance, 68. 

Champaubert,  battle  of,  21,  65. 

Chastrel,  General,  keeps  his  forces 
at  their  post,  195. 

Chatillon,  Congress  of,  conditions 
of  peace  proposed  by  the  Allies 
at,  47;  its  fruitless  efforts,  57; 
the  demands  of  the  Powers  at, 
61 ;  propositions  of,  on  February 
17, 66 ;  end  of  the  Congress  of,  80. 

Chateaubriand,  quoted,  135;  re- 
cords the  baseness  of  the  Senate 
and  Provisional  Government, 
231 ;  quoted,  279. 

Constant,  Napoleon's  valet,  remi- 
niscence of,  7. 

Craonne,  battle  of,  48. 

Dalberg,  M.  de,  reported  to  be  in 
the  pay  of  the  Allies,  93. 

Dejean,  General,  brings  word  to 
the  defenders  of  Paris  that  Na- 
poleon is  at  hand,  134. 

Drouot,  General,   devotion    of,  to 


Napoleon,  261;  Lacordaire's  eu- 
logy of,  262;  governor  of  Elba, 
262. 

Elba,  proposed  as  the  place  of 
Napoleon's  exile  by  Alexander  I., 
210 ;  Napoleon  lands  at,  283. 

Essonnes,  the  defection  of,  carried 
out  by  Marmont's  generals,  192. 

Esterhazy,  Prince,  conversation  of, 
with  the  Duke  of  Vicenza,  71. 

Fabvier,  Colonel,  informed  by  Mar- 
shal Marmont  of  Prince  Schwar- 
zenberg's  proposal,  184;  refuses 
to  join  the  other  officers  in  their 
defection,  194 ;  informs  Mar- 
mont of  the  defection,  196;  dis- 
missed by  Marmont,  197. 

Fain,  Baron,  quoted,  178 ;  describes 
the  general  exhaustion  at  the  end 
of  the  campaign,  210. 

Feltre,  Duke  of,  urges  the  depar- 
ture of  Marie  Louise,  109,  111. 

Ferrucci,  Abbe',  describes  the  in- 
sults to  Napoleon  on  his  way  to 
Elba,  275. 

Fontainebleau,  palace  of,  155  et 
seq.;  Napoleon's  rooms  in,  158; 
his  departure  from,  270. 

Francis  II.  meets  Marie  Louise 
at  Rambouillet,  286. 

Galbois,  Colonel,  carries  to  Marie 
Louise  a  message  from  Napoleon 
announcing  his  abdication,  227. 

Gourgaud,  Colonel,  sent  by  Na- 
poleon to  summon  Marmont  and 
Mortier,  192. 

Haussonville,  d',  Count,  arouses  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  officers  of  the 
Guard  for  Marie  Louise,  233. 

Heine's  "The  Two  Grenadiers," 
270. 

Hubert,  Napoleon's  valet,  witnesses 
his  attempt  at  suicide,  254. 

Lamartine  describes  Napoleon's 
leave-taking,  267. 


INDEX. 


297 


Lichtenstein,  Prince,  carries  propo- 
sitions for  an  armistice  to  Napo- 
leon, 36.  ■ 

Macdonald,  Marshal,  urges  Napo- 
leon not  to  concern  himself  about 
Paris,  99 ;  furnished  the  account 
of  Napoleon's  first  abdication  to 
General  de  Segur,  172 ;  announces 
to  Napoleon  he  will  not  march 
on  Paris,  176 ;  receives  a  Turkish 
sabre  as  a  present  from  Napo- 
leon, 258. 

Maizieres,  the  cure  of,  guides  the 
army,  6. 

Marie  Louise,  receives  a  deputa- 
tion of  the  National  Guard,  3; 
receives  the  flags  captured  by 
Napoleon  from  the  Coalition,  40; 
her  letter  to  her  father  urging 
him  to  end  the  war,  41,  87 ;  tells 
the  Duke  of  Rovigo  of  Napo- 
leon's letter  to  her  intercepted 
by  Bliicher,  102;  her  situation 
grave  and  embarrassing,  103; 
presides  over  a  council  at  the 
Tuileries  to  decide  whether  she 
is  to  stay  or  to  leave  Paris,  108 ; 
decides  to  leave,  114;  her  resolu- 
tion to  obey  Napoleon's  orders, 
118 ;  her  departure,  120  et  seq. , 
her  suite,  122;  at  Rambouillet, 
147;  tact  and  devotion  of  her 
suite,  148;  at  Blois  with  the 
court  and  government,  151  et  seq. , 
ignorant  of  the  state  of  affairs, 
217 ;  letter  of,  to  her  father,  en- 
treating him  not  to  abandon  her, 
219;  her  distress,  220;  keeps  up 
hope,  225;  her  proclamation  of 
April  7  the  last  official  paper  of 
the  Regency,  226;  receives  news 
of  the  Emperor's  abdication,  227 ; 
wishes  to  join  him,  but  is  dis- 
suaded, 229;  distributes  presents 
among  her  people,  231 ;  dispersal 
of  her  household,  231;  advised 
by  Joseph  to  quit  Blois,  21V2;  re- 
solves not  to  leave,  233;  leaves 


for  Orleans  with  General  Shouva- 
loff ,  237 ;  greeted  as  Empress  at 
Orleans,  238;  receives  the  reply 
of  her  father  to  her  appeal,  240 ; 
her  property  plundered  by  the 
Provisional  Government,  241 ;  re- 
ceives messages  from  Napoleon, 
243  et  seq.;  considers  herself 
abandoned  by  her  father,  246; 
assured  of  the  succession  of  her 
son  to  the  Duchies  of  Parma  and 
Piacenza,  285;  goes  to  Ram- 
bouillet to  meet  her  father,  285 ; 
her  interview  with  him,  287 ;  re- 
ceives a  visit  from  Alexander  I., 
287 ;  receives  the  King  of  Prussia, 
290;  starts  for  Vienna,  290;  her 
career  as  Empress  of  France, 
291  et  seq. 

Marmont  and  Mortier,  the  forces 
of,  routed  at  Fere-Champenoise, 
98 ;  enter  Paris,  126. 

Marmont,  General  (Duke  of  Ra- 
gusa),  takes  command  at  Charen- 
ton,  129;  refuses  to  capitulate, 
132;  sends  a  flag  of  truce  to 
Prince  Schwarzenberg,  134 ;  his 
defection,  181;  observations  of 
Thiers  upon  him,  182;  describes 
his  feelings,  182  et  seq. ;  his  reply 
to  Prince  Schwarzenberg,  185; 
announces  to  his  generals  his 
course  and  urges  them  to  join 
the  Provisional  Government,  186; 
letter  of,  to  Napoleon,  announcing 
his  decision,  186;  is  informed  of 
Napoleon's  abdication,  189;  has 
an  interview  with  Prince  Schwar- 
zenberg and  recalls  his  decision, 
190;  goes  to  Talleyrand  with  the 
other  plenipotentiaries  of  Napo- 
leon, 191 ;  informed  by  Colonel 
Fabvier  of  the  defection  of  his 
officers,  196;  ajrain  won  over  by 
the  Royalists,  197 ;  his  account  of 
the  revolt  of  the  soldiers  and  of 
his  action,  198  et  seq.;  his  re- 
morse and  last  days,  202. 


298 


INDEX. 


Mechlin,  Archbishop  of,  his  treach- 
ery to  Napoleon,  92 ;  his  con- 
spiracy with  Talleyrand,  94. 

Meissonier's  picture  of  Napoleon 
in  1814,  11. 

Meneval,  Baron  de,  charged  by 
Napoleon  to  prepare  the  Empress 
for  the  end,  218;  describes  the 
distress  of  Marie  Louise,  220; 
quoted,  235,  237,  244. 

Metternich,  Prince,  reply  of,  to  the 
Duke  of  Vicenza  on  the  situation, 
64;  writes  the  Duke  of  Vicenza 
in  relation  to  Napoleon's  counter- 
project,  78. 

Moucey,  Marshal,  statue  to,  in 
honor  of  his  heroic  defence  at 
the  Clichy  gate,  138 ;  testifies  his 
admiration  and  gratitude  to'  Na- 
poleon at  the  abdication,  175. 

Moniteur,  the,  describes  Napoleon's 
reception  at  Saint  Dizier,  5 ;  de- 
scribes the  atrocities  of  the  Cos- 
sacks, 24;  gives  an  account  of 
Napoleon's  entrance  into  Cham- 
pagne, 37;  silence  of,  after  the 
flight  of  Marie  Louise,  125. 

Montholon,  Colonel  de,  reports  to 
Napoleon  after  the  abdication, 
263. 

Mortier  and  Marmont  routed  at 
Fere-Champenoise,  98. 

Napoleon  leaves  Paris,  January  25, 
1814,  3;  his  reception  at  Saint 
Dizier  reported  in  the  Moniteur, 
5 ;  manoeuvres  to  prevent  the  junc- 
tion of  Blucher  and  Schwarzen- 
berg,  5 ;  fights  the  battle  of  Bri- 
enne,  6 ;  his  letter  to  Joseph,  Jan- 
uary 31,  1814,  7 ;  his  school  days 
at  Brienne,  8  ;  loses  the  battle  of 
Rothiere,  12;  sends  directions  to 
Joseph  from  Troyes,  14 ;  his  re- 
treat and  despondency,  15;  his 
letter  to  Joseph  regarding  the 
occupation  of  Paris,  and  the  de- 
parture of  the  Empress  and  King 
of    Rome,   17     et    seq. ;    defeats 


Blucher  and  the  Russians,  21; 
letter  of,  to  Joseph  respecting 
Schwarzenberg's  flag  of  truce  and 
the  treaty,  24  ;  his  confidence  in 
the  future,  26 ;  gains  the  battle  of 
Montereau,  27 ;  writes  to  Joseph 
respecting  the  situation,  27;  his 
letter  to  Francis  II.  from  Nogent, 
28  et  seq.;  his  letter  to  Joseph 
directing  affairs  at  Paris,  33; 
grants  an  armistice  at  the  re- 
quest of  Schwarzenberg,  36;  his 
letter  to  Joseph  from  Troyes,  37 ; 
his  energy  and  hopefulness  in  ad- 
verse fortune,  44  et  seq. ;  his  an- 
guish at  the  surrender  of  Soissons, 
46 ;  gains  the  battle  of  Craonne,  48 ; 
retreats  on  Soissons,  49;  Joseph 
urges  him  to  make  peace,  49,  52; 
his  imperious  replies,  51  et  seq. ; 
wins  the  battle  of  Champaubert 
and  others,  65 ;  directs  the  Duke 
of  Vicenza  to  do  everything  to 
secure  peace,  65 ;  angry  with  the 
proposition  of  the  Coalition,  66; 
displeased  with  the  Duke  of 
Vicenza's  frankness,  74 ;  his  coun- 
ter-project to  the  Allies'  ultima- 
tum, 78;  determines  to  attack, 
and  returns  to  the  Seine,  83; 
fights  the  battle  of  Arcis-sur- 
Aube,  84;  his  peril  and  escape, 
85;  retreats  across  the  Aube  and 
destroys  his  bridges,  86;  deter- 
mines to  unite  the  garrisons  in 
the  East,  86 ;  resolves  to  cut  the 
enemy's  base,  90;  met  by  the 
Duke  of  Vicenza  at  Saint  Dizier, 
97 ;  full  of  enthusiasm  and  con- 
fidence, 97;  decides  to  go  to 
Paris,  99;  his  letter  to  the  Em- 
press intercepted  by  Blucher, 
103  ;  his  relations  with  Jerome 
and  Louis,  104;  scouts  the  idea 
of  a  national  uprising,  106;  met 
by  General  Belli ard  at  the  Foun- 
tains of  Juvisy,  139 ;  is  informed 
of  the  fate  of  Paris,  140;  deter- 
mined to  go  to  Paris,  142;  com- 


INDEX. 


299 


missions  the  Duke  of  Vicenza  to 
negotiate,  and  gives  him  full 
powen,  14J ;  hears  of  the  capitu- 
lation and  goes  to  Fontainebleau, 
14(5,  161 ;  letter  of,  to  Joseph  at 
Blois,  153 ;  his  tragic  fate  at  Fon- 
tainebleau,  101 ;  bent  on  fighting, 
104 ;  the  Duke  of  Vicenza  reports 
to  him  the  state  of  affairs  in 
Paris,  167 ;  still  bent  on  fighting, 
1(>8;  addresses  the  Old  Guard, 
108;  his  first  abdication,  172  et 
seq. ;  Ney  attempts  to  persuade 
him  to  abdicate,  173;  writes  to 
Baron  de  Meneval  to  urge  the 
Empress  to  appeal  to  her  father, 
174 ;  declares  his  decision  to  ab- 
dicate, 174 ;  stipulates  that  his 
son  shall  be  his  successor,  177 ; 
appoints  the  Duke  of  Vicenza 
and  others  his  plenipotentiaries 
to  carry  his  abdication  to  the 
Allies,  178 ;  still  hopes  to  be  able 
to  resume  the  conflict,  204 ;  re- 
ceives word  of  the  defection  of 
the  Sixth  Corps  and  of  Marmont's 
agreement,  205;  addresses  the 
army  referring  to  Marmont's 
conduct  and  the  Senate's  denun- 
ciations, 200  et  seq. ;  is  informed 
of  the  failure  of  his  overtures  to 
the  Allies,  211;  tries  to  inspire 
his  marshals  with  warlike  energy, 
214;  signs  the  second  abdication, 
210;  hints  at  suicide,  218;  not 
anxious  to  see  Marie  Louise,  229 ; 
repeats  his  abdication ,  248 ;  medi- 
i.itrs  suicide,  249;  talks  with 
Baron  de  Bausset  about  Elba, 
250;  regrets  Marie  Louise's  de- 
parture from  Paris,  251:  the 
treaty  of  the  Allies  is  brought  to 
him,  282;  takes  poison,  254;  his 
■offerings,  255;  recovers,  and 
abandons  the  idea  of  suicide, 
258;  signs  the  treaty,  25!);  de- 
votion  of  the  soldiers  to  him. 
200;  his  faithful  adherents,  261  ; 
offers  money  to  General  Drouot, 


263;  letters  of,  to  Marie  Louise, 
204;  resembles  a  hero  of  antiq- 
uity, 2(i0 ;  the  personages  of  his 
court  remaining,  207 ;  takes 
leave  of  his  people,  207  ;  his  fare- 
well address  to  the  Old  Guard, 
208 ;  his  departure  for  Elba,  272 ; 
meets  Marshal  Augereau  at  Val- 
ence, 273  ;  meets  with  insults  at 
Orange,  274;  is  in  peril  at 
Orgon,  275 ;  disguises  himself, 
276  ;  passes  for  Colonel  Camp- 
bell, 276;  relates  an  anecdote  of 
his  early  life  at  Aix,  281 ;  meets 
Pauline,  281 ;  articles  of  treaty 
not  observed  with  regard  to  his 
escort,  282;  invites  the  commis- 
sioners to  dine  with  him  at  Fre- 
jus,  and  unfolds  his  plans,  282; 
sails  in  the  English  frigate  the 
"  Undaunted, "  and  lands  in  Elba, 
283 ;  an  escort  sent  by,  for  Marie 
Louise  arrives  too  late,  286 ;  gives 
up  all  idea  of  having  Marie 
Louise  join  him,  288;  sends  her 
an  account  of  Elba  and  of  his 
journey,  289. 

National  Guard  pledges  its  fidelity 
to  Napoleon,  3  et  seq. ;  officers  of, 
beseech  the  Empress  to  remain, 
120. 

Ney,  Marshal,  letter  of,  to  Talley- 
rand, announcing  Napoleon's  con- 
sent to  complete  abdication,  212; 
attempts  to  persuade  Napoleon  to 
abdicate,  173. 

Orleans,  condition  of,  239. 

Paris  and  the  Parisians  during  the 
Invasion,  1  et  seq. ;  absence  of  pa- 
triotism and  religious  sentiment 
in,  107;  defenceless  condition  of, 
on  the  arrival  of  the  Allies.  127  : 
lack  of  heroic  feeling  in,  128; 
weakness  of  the  defence,  129; 
bombarded,  135;  capitulation  of, 
146. 

Polytechnic  School,  heroic  spirit  of 
the  young  men  of,  136. 


300 


INDEX. 


Pope,  the,  final  note  concerning,  be- 
tween the  Allies  and  Vicenza,  79. 

Prussia,  King  of,  visits  Marie  Louise 
at  Rambouillet,  289. 

Regency,  proclamation  of,  to  the 
prefects,  223. 

"  Regent"  the,  the  crown  diamond, 
anecdote  of,  242. 

Rome,  the  King  of,  his  reluctance 
to  leave  the  Tuileries,  121 ;  under 
Marshal  Marmont's  instructions, 
203;  becomes  Francis  Duke  of 
Reichstadt,  294. 

Rothiere,  battle  of,  9  et  seq. 

Rovigo,  Duke  of,  refuses  to  rouse 
Paris  in  the  Emperor's  behalf, 
115 ;  eulogizes  Marie  Louise,  221. 

Russian  columns  in  sight  of  Paris, 
126. 

Saint  Dizier,  Napoleon's  reception 
at,  5. 

Schwarzenberg,  Prince,  asks  for  an 
armistice,  24,  36 ;  proposal  of,  to 
Marshal  Marmont,  182;  replies 
to  Marmont's  letter,  188 ;  has  an 
interview  with  Marmont,  190 ; 
gives  Napoleon's  plenipotentia- 
ries a  safe  conduct,  191. 

Scott,  Sir  Walter,  quoted,  275. 

Sebastiani,  General,  asks  Napoleon 
why  he  does  not  summon  the 
nation  to  rise,  106. 

Segur,  General  de,  describes  Napo- 
leon's stay  at  Brienne,  7;  says 
that  the  Coalition  really  fell  at 
the  time  of  the  armistice,  38; 
gives  an  incident  of  Napoleon's 
retreat  from  Arcis-sur-Aube,  87 ; 
his  account  of  Napoleon's  abdi- 
cation, 172;  estimate  of  Mar- 
mont, 201. 

Senate,  the  resolutions  of,  attack- 
ing Napoleon,  his  answer,  206. 

Shouvaloff,  General,  sent  to  Blois 
to  conduct  Marie  Louise  to 
Orleans,  235. 

Sixth  Corps,  the  soldiers,  faithful 


to  Napoleon,  revolt  against  their 

officers,  195. 
Soissons,  capitulation  of,  44. 
Souham,  General,    terror-stricken 

at    Napoleon's   summons,   urges 

the  other  generals  to  cross  the 

Essonnes,  194. 
Stael,  Madame  de,  on  Napoleon's 

campaign  of  1814,  12. 

Talleyrand,  M.  de,  reported  to  be 
in  communication  with  the  Allies, 
93  ;  suspected  by  the  Duke  of 
Rovigo,  94 ;  escapes  being  seized 
by  Napoleon,  95 ;  says  that  the 
departure  of  Marie  Louise  would 
throw  Paris  into  the  hands  of  the 
Royalists,  111 ;  his  remarks  to  the 
Duke  of  Rovigo,  116;  appointed 
President  of  the  Senate  under  the 
Provisional  Government,  166. 

Thiers,  comment  of,  on  the  demands 
of  the  powers,  62 ;  opinion  of  the 
plan  of  a  last  struggle,  165 ;  says 
Napoleon's  abdication  was  on  the 
4th  of  April,  172 ;  remarks  of,  upon 
Marshal  Marmont,  182,  200. 

Treaty  of  the  Allies  brought  to 
Napoleon,  252;  its  terms,  253. 

Truchsess,  Count  von  Waldburg,  his 
report  of  Napoleon's  disguise  and 
peril  on  his  way  to  Elba,  276. 

Vicenza,  Duke  of  (General  Caulain- 
court),  the  sole  plenipotentiary 
of  France  at  the  Congress  of 
Chatillon,  58;  his  frank  and 
prudent  counsels,  59;  letter  of 
to  Marshal  Berthier  on  the  situa- 
tion, 60;  left  by  Napoleon  in 
ignorance  of  the  real  state  of 
affairs,  61 ;  letter  of,  to  Metter- 
nich  urging  a  speedy  peace,  63; 
letter  of,  to  Napoleon  on  the 
gravity  of  the  situation  and  the 
necessity  for  peace,  69  et  seq.; 
reports  Prince  Esterhazy's  con- 
versation to  Napoleon,  71 ;  depre- 
cates Napoleon's  displeasure,  74 ; 


INDEX. 


301 


hands  in  a  statement  in  reply  to 
the  Allies'  ultimatum,  76;  hands 
in  Napoleon's  counter-project, 
78;  given  full  powers  by  Napo- 
leon to  make  peace,  145 ;  reports 
to  Napoleon  the  state  of  affairs 
in  Paris,  167 ;  urges  him  to  abdi- 
cate, 167 ;  reads  the  draft  of  the 
abdication  to  the  Emperor  and 
marshals,  175 ;  faithful  to  Napo- 
leon, 261. 


Vitrolles,  M.  de,  betrays  the  con- 
dition of  France  to  the  Allies,  93. 

Wilson,  Mr.  Robert,  on  the  position 
of  the  Allies  and  the  French 
treachery  that  lost  Napoleon  his 
crown,  92. 

Yvan,  Napoleon's  surgeon,  refuses 
to  give  him  poison,  255. 


Typography  by  J.  S.  Cushing  &  Co.,  Boston. 
Presswork  by  Berwick  &  Smith,  Boston. 


FAMOUS    WOMEN    OF    THE 
FRENCH    COURT. 


CHARLES  SCRIBNER'S  SONS,  PUBLISHERS. 


WITHIN  the  past  few  years  M.  Imbert  de  Saint- Amand 
has  written  a  series  of  volumes  which  have  made 
him  one  of  the  most  popular  authors  of  France.  Each  has 
for  its  nucleus  some  portion  of  the  life  of  one  of  the  eminent 
women  who  have  presided  over  or  figured  at  the  French 
court,  either  at  Versailles  or  the  Tuileries.  But  though  thus 
largely  biographical  and  possessing  the  interest  inseparable 
from  personality,  the  volumes  are  equally  pictures  of  the 
times  they  describe.  He  is  himself  saturated  with  the  litera- 
ture and  history  of  the  period,  and  what  mainly  distinguishes 
his  books  is  the  fact  that  they  are  in  considerable  part  made 
up  of  contemporary  letters  and  memoirs,  so  that  the  reader 
hears  the  characters  themselves  speak,  and  is  brought  into 
the  closest  imaginary  contact  with  them.  Moreover,  the 
complexion  of  the  mosaic  thus  cleverly  mortised  is  familiar 
rather  than  heroic.  The  historian  is  not  above  gossip  in 
its  good  sense,  and  the  way  in  which  the  life  of  the  time 
and  of  its  distinguished  personages  is  depicted  is  extremely 
intimate  as  well  as  vivid  and  truthful. 

The  ten  volumes  now  issued  and  in  press  relate  to  Marie 
Antoinette,  Josephine  and  Marie  Louise.  They  give  a  vivid 
representation  of  the  momentous  times  immediately  before, 
during  and  after  the  epoch  of  the  Revolution.  Probably  no 
times  in  any  country  were  ever  so  picturesque,  so  crowded 
with  events,  and  so  peopled  with  striking  characters.  The 
characteristics  of  the  old  regime  and  the  events  of  the  early 


FAMOUS    WOMEN  OF   THE  FRENCH  COURT. 


years  of  the  Revolution  are  grouped  effectively  around  the 
sympathetic  figure  of  Louis  Sixteenth's  queen.  In  the  first 
two  books  in  which  she  figures,  Josephine  is  taken  as  the 
center  of  the  new  society  that  issued  from  the  disorganization 
wrought  by  the  Revolution,  and  the  third  describes  the 
beginning  of  the  Imperial  epoch.  In  "The  Happy  Days 
of  the  Empress  Marie  Louise,"  we  are  led  behind  the 
scenes,  and  shown  the  domestic  life  as  well  as  the  splendid 
court  pomp  of  the  world's  Conqueror  at  the  acme  of  his 
career — a  most  dramatic  contrast  with  the  picture  drawn 
in  the  concluding  three  volumes,  which  describe  the  "  De- 
cadence of  the  Empire  "  owing  to  the  Russian  campaign, 
the  " Invasion  of  1814"  and  the  "Return  from  Elba  and 
the  Hundred  Days." 


FAMOUS  WOMEN   OF  THE   FRENCH   COURT. 

From  the  French  of  Imbert  de  Saint-Amand. 
Each  -with  Portrait,  12 mo,  $1.23. 

Three  Volumes  on  Marie  Antoinette. 

MARIE  ANTOINETTE  AND  THE  END  OF  THE  OLD  REGIME. 

MARIE  ANTOINETTE  AT  THE  TUILERIES  (In  press). 

MARIE  ANTOINETTE  AND  THE  DOWNFALL  OF  ROYALTY  (In  press). 

Three  Volumes  on  the  Empress  Josephine, 
citizeness  bonaparte, 
the  wife  of  the  first  consul, 
the  court  of  the  empress  josephine. 

Four  Volumes  on  the  Empress  Marie  Louise, 
the  happy  days  of  marie  louise, 
marie  louise  and  the  decadence  of  the  empire. 
marie  louise  and  the  invasion  of  1814. 
marie  louise,  the  return  from  elba  and  the  hundred  days 

(In  press). 


FAMOUS   WOMEN  OF   THE  FRENCH  COURT. 


"In  these  translations  of  this  interesting  series  of  sketches,  we  have 
found  an  unexpected  amount  of  pleasure  and  profit.  The  author  cites 
for  us  passages  from  forgotten  diaries,  hitherto  unearthed  letters,  extracts 
from  public  proceedings,  and  the  like,  and  contrives  to  combine  and  arrange 
his  material  so  as  to  make  a  great  many  very  vivid  and  pleasing  pictures. 
Nor  is  this  all.  The  material  he  lays  before  us  is  of  real  value,  and 
much,  if  not  most  of  it,  must  be  unknown  save  to  the  special  students  of 
the  period.  We  can,  therefore,  cordially  commend  these  books  to  the 
attention  of  our  readers.  They  will  find  them  attractive  in  their  arrange- 
ment, never  dull,  with  much  variety  of  scene  and  incident,  and  admir- 
ably translated." — The  Nation,  of  December  ig,  1890. 

Marie  Antoinette  and  the  End  of  the  Old  Regime. 

The  years  immediately  preceding  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution 
comprise  the  epoch  treated  under  this  title,  which  aptly  characterizes  the 
passing  away  of  the  old  order,  before  the  tremendous  social  as  well  as 
political  upheaval  of  the  Revolution. 

Marie  Antoinette  at  the  Tuileries. 

The  vicissitudes  of  the  Royal  Family,  and  incidentally  the  political 
history  of  the  time,  from  the  forcible  removal  from  Versailles  in  1789  to 
the  end  of  179J,  including  the  unfortunate  attempt  at  flight  and  the 
arrest  at  Varennes  are  the  subject  of  this  book. 


Marie  Antoinette  and  the  Downfall  of  Royalty. 

Continuing  the  story  of  the  preceding  volume,  the  author  here  nar- 
rates the  turbulent  and  terrible  scenes  of  the  beginning  of  the  Terror 
and  closes  with  the  abolition  of  royalty,  the  declaration  of  the  Republic 
and  the  confinement  of  the  Royal  Family  in  the  Temple. 


Citizeness  Bonaparte. 

The  period  during  which  Josephine  was  called  "Citizeness  Bona- 
parte "  is  the  romantic  and  eventful  one  beginning  with  her  marriage, 
comprising  the  first  Italian  campaign  and  the  Egyptian  Expedition,  and 
ending  with  the  coup  d'etat  of  Brumaire. 


FAMOUS    WOMEN  OF   THE  FRENCH  COURT. 

The  Wife  of  the  First  Consul. 

As  wife  of  the  First  Consul,  Josephine  presided  over  the  brilliant 
society  which  issued  from  the  social  chaos  of  the  Revolution  and  which, 
together  with  striking  portraits  of  its  principal  figures,  is  here  vividly 
described. 

The  Court  of  the  Empress  Josephine. 

The  events  which  took  place  between  the  assumption  by  Napoleon 
of  the  imperial  title  and  the  end  of  1807,  including  the  magnificent 
coronation  ceremonies  at  Paris  and  at  Milan  and  the  wonderful  campaign 
of  Austerlitz  are  here  described,  as  well  as  the  daily  life  and  surroundings 
of  Josephine  at  the  summit  of  her  career. 

The  Happy  Days  of  the  Empress  Marie  Louise. 

The  happiest  part  of  Marie  Louise's  career  as  Empress  of  the 
French,  dating  from  her  marriage,  the  festivities  of  which  were  cele- 
brated with  unexampled  splendor,  to  the  departure  of  the  Grand  Army 
for  the  disastrous  Russian  campaign,  is  the  subject  of  this  book. 

Marie  Louise  and  the  Decadence  of  the  Empire. 

The  period  covered  in  this  volume  is  the  intensely  dramatic  decline 
of  the  French  empire  from  the  Russian  campaign,  when  Marie  Louise 
"had  the  world  at  her  feet,"  to  the  desperate  campaign  of  1814  which 
concluded  her  brief  but  brilliant  reign. 

Marie  Louise  and  the  Invasion  of  1814. 

This  volume  takes  the  reader  from  the  beginning  of  1814  to 
Napoleon's  second  abdication  and  departure  for  Elba.  In  a  military 
point  of  view  this  campaign,  his  first  fought  on  French  soil  and  resulting 
in  his  downfall  and  that  of  his  dynasty,  ranks,  nevertheless,  among  his 
ablest,  and  the  narrative  of  it  is,  perhaps,  the  most  intensely  interesting, 
the  variations  of  fortune  being  so  rapid  and  so  momentous. 

Marie  Louise,  the  Return  from  Elba  and  the  Hundred  Days. 

The  final  scenes  of  the  Napoleonic  drama  are  here  unfolded — the 
imprisoned  conqueror's  life  at  Elba,  his  romantic  escape  and  return  to 
France,  his  almost  miraculous  resumption  of  power,  the  preparations  for 
the  last  struggle  and  the  climax  of  Waterloo  and  the  definite  restoration 
of  Louis  XVIII,  closing  the  era  begun  in  1789. 


FAMOUS    WOMEN  OF   THE  FRENCH  COURT. 


CRITICAL  NOTICES. 


"  A  delightfully  gossippy  series." — Philadelphia  Press. 

"  This  volume  ['  Marie  Louise  and  the  Decadence  of  the  Empire'] 
is  as  fascinating  as  any  in  the  series,  and  the  whole  can  be  read  with 
great  profit  and  enjoyment." — Hartford  Courant. 

11  Readers  of  the  author's  preceding  volumes  will  not  need  to  be 
told  that  the  present  one  is  full  of  charm  and  interest,  brilliant  descrip- 
tion, and  strong  and  clear  historical  sketches." — New  York  Tribune. 

"The  volumes  are  even  more  pictures  of  the  times  than  of  the 
unhappy  occupants  of  the  French  throne.  The  style  is  clear  and  familiar, 
and  the  smaller  courts  of  the  period,  the  gossip  of  the  court  and  the 
course  of  history,  give  interest  other  than  biographical  to  the  work." — 
Baltimore  Sun. 

"  M.  de  Saint-Amand  makes  the  great  personages  of  whom  he  writes 
very  human.  In  this  last  volume  he  has  brought  to  light  much  new 
material  regarding  the  diplomatic  relations  between  Napoleon  and  the 
Austrian  court,  and  throughout  the  series  he  presents,  with  a  wealth  of 
detail,  the  ceremonious  and  private  life  of  the  courts." — San  Francisco 
Argonaut. 

"The  sketches,  like  the  times  to  which  they  relate,  are  immensely 
dramatic.  M.  Saint-Amand  writes  with  a  vivid  pen.  He  has  filled 
himself  with  the  history  and  the  life  of  the  times,  and  possesses  the  art 
of  making  them  live  in  his  pages.  His  books  are  capital  reading,  and 
remain  as  vivacious  as  idiomatic,  and  as  pointed  in  the  translation  as  in 
the  original  French." — The  Independent. 

"  The  last  volume  of  the  highly  interesting  series  is  characterized 
by  all  that  remarkable  attractiveness  of  description,  historical  and  per- 
sonal, that  has  made  the  former  volumes  of  the  series  so  popular. 
M.  de  Saint-Amand's  pictures  of  court  life  and  of  the  brilliant  men  and 
women  that  composed  it,  make  the  whole  read  with  a  freshness  that  is  as 
fascinating  as  it  is  instructive." — Boston  Home  Journal. 


FAMOUS    WOMEN  OF   THE  FRENCH  COURT. 

"  M.  de  Saint-Amand's  volumes  are  inspired  with  such  brightness, 
knowledge,  and  appreciation,  that  their  value  as  studies  in  a  great 
historical  epoch  requires  acknowledgement.  Though  written  mainly  to 
entertain  in  a  wholesome  way,  they  also  instruct  the  reader  and  give 
him  larger  views.  That  they  have  not  before  been  translated  for  publi- 
cation here  is  a  little  singular.  Now,  that  their  time  has  come,  people 
should  receive  them  gratefully  while  they  read  them  with  the  attention 
they  invite  and  deserve." — N,   Y.  Times. 

"These  volumes  give  animated  pictures,  romantic  in  coloring, 
intimate  in  detail,  and  entertaining  from  beginning  to  end.  To  the 
student  of  history  they  furnish  the  more  charming  details  of  gossip  and 
court  life  which  he  has  not  found  in  his  musty  tomes  ;  while  in  the  novice 
they  must  be  the  lode-stone  leading  to  more  minute  research.  The  series 
is  of  more  than  transient  value  in  that  it  teaches  the  facts  of  history 
through  the  medium  of  anecdote,  description,  and  pen  portraits  ;  this 
treatment  having  none  of  the  dryness  of  history  per  se,  but  rather  the 
brilliancy  of  romance." — Boston  Times. 

"  The  central  figure  of  the  lovely  Josephine  attracts  sympathy  and 
admiration  as  does  hardly  one  other  historical  character.  We  have 
abundance  of  gossip  of  the  less  harmful  kind,  spirited  portraits  of  men 
and  women  of  note,  glimpses  here  and  there  of  the  under-current  of 
ambition  and  anxiety  that  lay  beneath  the  brilliant  court  life,  anecdotes 
in  abundance,  and  altogether  a  bustling,  animated,  splendidly  shifting 
panorama  of  life  in  the  First  Empire.  No  such  revelation  of  the  private 
life  of  Napoleon  and  Josephine  has  hitherto  been  given  to  the  world  as 
in  '  The  Court  of  the  Empress  Josephine.'  It  is  the  authors  master- 
piece."— Christian  Union. 


For  sale  by  all  booksellers,  or  sent,  postpaid  on  receipt  of  price,  by 

CHARLES    SCRIBNER'S    SONS, 
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The  First  American  Edition 


MEMOIRS  OF 

NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE 

By  LOUIS  ANTOINE  FAUVELET  DE  BOURRIENNE 

His  Private  Secretary 
With  34  Full-page  Portraits  and  Other  Illustrations 

Edited   by   Col.  R.  W.    PHIPPS.      New  and   Revised   Edition 


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CHARLES    SCRIBNER'S    SONS,  Publishers 
NEW   YORK 


FOR  sixty  years  Bourrienne's  "Memoirs  of  Napoleon" 
has  been  a  standard  authority  to  which  every  one 
has  turned  for  a  graphic,  entertaining  picture  of 
the  man  as  he  appeared  to  his  intimate  friend  and  Secre- 
tary. Bourrienne,  who  had  been  the  friend  and  com- 
panion of  Napoleon  at  school,  became  his  Secretary  in 
1797  and  remained  in  this  confidential  position  till  1802. 
His  "Memoirs"  has  heretofore  been  accessible  only  in 
the  English  editions.  It  is  now  proposed  to  publish 
immediately  in  a  popular  Library  Edition,  in  four  i2mo 
volumes,  an  exact  reprint  of  the  latest  English  edition. 
This  American  edition  will  contain  the  thirty-four  por- 
traits and  ocher  illustrations  of  the  original,  together  with 
all  the  other  features  that  give  distinction  to  the  work — 
the  chronology  of  Napoleon's  life,  the  prefaces  to  the 


BOURRIENNE'S    "NATOLEON: 


several  editions,  the  author's  introduction,  and  the  addi- 
tional matter  which  supplements  Bourrienne's  work,  an 
account  of  the  important  events  of  the  Hundred  Days, 
of  Napoleon's  surrender  to  the  English,  and  of  his  resi- 
dence and  death  at  St.  Helena,  with  anecdotes  and  illus- 
trative extracts  from  contemporary  Memoirs.  The  per- 
sonality of  one  of  the  greatest  figures  in  history  is  placed 
before  the  reader  with  remarkable  fidelity  and  dramatic 
power  by  one  who  was  the  Emperor's  confidant  and  the 
sharer  of  his  thoughts  and  fortunes.  The  picture  of  the 
man  Napoleon  is  of  fascinating  interest.  Besides  this, 
the  book  is  full  of  the  most  interesting  anecdotes,  bon 
mots,  character  sketches,  dramatic  incidents,  and  the 
gossip  of  court  and  camp  at  one  of  the  most  stirring 
epochs  of  history,  taken  from  contemporary  Memoirs  and 
incorporated  in  the  work  by  the  editors  of  the  different 
editions. 


List  of  Portraits,  Etc. 


NAPOLEON  I. 
LETITIA   RAMOLINO 
THE  EMPRESS  JOSEPH- 
INE 
EUGENE  BEAUHARNAIS 
GENERAL   KL^BER 
MARSHAL  LANNES 
TALLEYRAND 
GENERAL  DUROC 
MURAT,  KING  OF  NAPLES 
GENERAL  DESAIX 
GZNERAL  MOREAU 
HORTENSE      BEAUHAR- 
NAIS 
THE  EMPRESS  JOSEPH- 
INE 
NAPOLEON  I. 


THE  DUC  D'ENGHIEN 

GENERAL  PICHEGRU 

MARSHAL  NEY 

CAULAINCOURT,  DUKE 
OF  VICENZA 

MARSHAL  DAVOUST 

CHARGE  OF  THE  CUIR- 
ASSIERS AT  EYLAU 

GENERAL  JUNOT 

MARSHAL  SOULT 

THE  EMPRESS  MARIA 
LOUISA 

GENERAL  LASALLE 

COLORED  MAP  SHOW- 
ING NAPOLEON'S  DO- 
MINION 

THE  EMPRESS  MARIA 
LOUISA 


MARSHAL  MASSENA 
MARSHAL  MACDONALD 
FAC-SIMILE  OF  THE  EM- 
PEROk'S  ABDICATION 
IN   1814 
NAPOLEON  I. 
MARSHAL  SOUCHET 
THE  DUKE  OF  WELLING- 
TON 

PLANS    OF    BATTLE  OF 
WATERLOO 

MARSHAL  BLUCHER 

MARSHAL  GOUVION  ST. 

CYR 
MARSHAL  NEY 
THE  KING  OF  ROME 
GENERAL  BESSIERES 


BOURRIRNMVS    " NATOLEOX. 


"If  y°u  want  something  to  read,  both  interesting  and 
amusing,  get  the  Me'moires  de  Bourrienne.  These  are  the  only 
authentic  Metnoirs  of  Napoleon  which  have  yet  appeared.  The 
style  is  not  brilliant,  but  that  only  makes  them  the  more  trust- 
worthy"— Prince  Metternich. 

"The  writer  was  a  man  of  uncommon  penetration, 
and  he  enjoyed  opportunities  for  intimate  knowledge  of 
Napoleon's  life  and  character  such  as  no  other  person 
possessed  ;  and  the  liveliness  of  his  style  renders  the 
Memoirs  interesting  reading  from  the  first  page  to  the 
last.  The  volumes  are  enriched  with  a  large  number  of 
excellent  portraits."  — The  Academy, 

"It  is  a  brilliant  picture  of  Napoleon  as  he  appeared 
in  his  daily  life  to  one  who  held  the  unique  position  of 
friend,  Minister  and  Secretary,  depicting  the  personality 
of  the  Emperor  with  extraordinary  vividness  and  truth- 
fulness. It  is  impossible  not  to  recognize  the  great 
value  of  these  Memoirs." — New  York  Times. 


"  M.  de  Bourrienne  shows  us  the  hero  of  Marengo  and 
Austerlitz  in  his  night-gown  and  slippers — with  a  trait  de 
plume  he,  in  a  hundred  instances,  places  the  real  man  before 
us,  with  all  of  his  personal  habits  and  peculiarities  of  manner, 
temper  and  conversation." — From  the  Preface. 


THE  SET,  4  VOLS.,   12M0,  IN  A  BOX,  $5.00. 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 

This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below,  or 

on  the  date  to  which  renewed. 

Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 

MAR  2  0  1967  1  5 

HAY2  2"67-WAM 

ft€sa  *-y 

LD  21A-60w-7,'66                              T7   . General  Library 
(G4427sl0)476B                               University  of  California 

Berkeley 

Ytf    SttAOJ 


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4-^T 


